South Africa’s new government of national unity (GNU) has a much-needed opportunity to redress past abuses of power and build a stronger democratic culture, but checks and balances are required to keep the fledgling coalition stable and functioning optimally. Good Governance Africa (GGA) held a webinar in partnership with the Mail & Guardian, exploring the theme of how we can ensure that the GNU is held accountable.  

Some of the themes that emerged from the webinar discussion included that while most of the panellists agreed that the GNU does bring us hope, it still remains to be seen how it will work once we are past the initial euphoria. There were concerns that politicians would further the interests of their own parties, instead of those of the coalition; on the other hand, the parties may become mired in compromises. The subject of whether the GNU actors would actually listen to the public’s concerns was often raised, as “public participation” has become a mere tick-box exercise; and, linked to this, was the question of how citizens and communities can actually hold politicians accountable.

Lonwabo Patrick Kulati, CEO of GGA, introduced the panellists, providing background on their various fields of expertise, and opened proceedings by asking them their opinions of the GNU.  

Dr Caryn Abrahams, Senior Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand School of Governance (WSG) said the GNU has been called by many names, such as “marriage of convenience”, but she sees it as “mob lords” who are there to enforce their own “code of omerta” and keep their own organisations working. “Nothing has really changed because there is a GNU. The real test will be whether it works towards the common good, and whether there is broad accountability.”

Dr Mmabatho Mongae, Data Analyst, in the Governance Insights and Analytics Programme, GGA, said that it’s important to consider the intention and purpose behind the formation of the GNU. Beyond its symbolic representation of unity, the true measure of accountability within the GNU will be tested over time, particularly during critical situations and crises. It is during these moments that the commitment of GNU leaders to accountability will become evident. “Perhaps the parties can hold each other accountable, more than the citizens,” she opined.

Dr Kagiso “TK” Pooe, Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand School of Governance (WSG), compared this GNU to the first one, when democracy finally happened in South Africa. The GNU is not a natural phenomenon; it only happened because the ANC failed dismally over three decades, he said. There needs to be some humility on the part of the ANC and the DA, and some self-reflection. “It is not really a GNU, it is a grand coalition,” said Pooe.

Lukhona Mnguni, Acting Executive Director, Rivonia Circle, said accountability is built on the pillars of transparency and responsiveness. He gave an example of a district mayor who was congratulated excessively for receiving a clean audit, and wondered if the bar would be raised in the GNU. “A clean audit should be the baseline, not considered an achievement,” he said. 

The presidency is bloated and now contains the state-owned enterprises (SOEs), which have many private-public relationships within them, so there has to be an appetite for accountability. The GNU represents about 70% of political parties in parliament, and there have to be mechanics to regulate accountability, added Mnguni.

Kulati said South Africa has experienced an accountability crisis under the ANC, and asked, can we expect a different outcome under the GNU? Should we be hopeful?

Mongae said only time will tell, once we have overcome the initial euphoria. It depends on the interests of the parties in the GNU; will decisions be based on what serves an individual party, or the GNU? 

Pooe was not very hopeful; he said that SA has many problems, such as its huge youth unemployment. We are in a crisis, and we are not asking how to solve the underlying crises. The Southern African Development Community is at its weakest, because SA has been asleep behind the wheel. “We do hope, but I fear that this hope is amiss.” 

Abrahams said that accountability must not remain normative, but actually be put into action. The GNU has the opportunity to make some bold new decisions about accountability, such as who are the individual office bearers answering to? 

Kulati said we must look into the mechanisms of accountability, such as parliamentary oversight, and asked, is this adequate?

Mnguni said the parliamentary oversight has basically collapsed over the past 30 years, due to the poor quality of our badly educated politicians. We have entered a rat race in our politics, and we often cannot rely on those who are entrusted with oversight. Will we see more public participation in the formation of legislation? He said that accountability was circumvented under the ANC, for example in the arms deal saga. 

Pooe said that we do need an opposition, and sometimes MK does make valid points, but we need to start asking questions like, do we really want to be a liberal democracy? Do we really need our three tiers of government? What is our role in the continent? He said that we need to find out what people on the ground really want. 

Abrahams said that we need to put issues on the table to discuss and debate them, instead of just manufacturing consent. Kulati agreed, but said we need to balance debate with pragmatism, and move forward on pressing issues like unemployment.

Mongae said the GNU is a symbol of our maturing democracy. It shows South Africans that change is possible, even though voter turnout has declined with each election. There is a huge task at hand for the GNU, and policy outcomes take years to come into full effect, so there is often frustration in the waiting period. Do South Africans have the patience to see the waiting period through?

Mnguni said that in some countries, politicians work, but in SA they don’t, so debate is a problem, because the politicians are merely debating among themselves, not with the people who matter. This is because the politicians are not responding to the people’s needs; the public should be able to pressure politicians to do their job.

Comments from the audience

An audience member agreed, and said that politicians do what they want, because the public has become docile. The issue must be how the communities pressure politicians, as they used to in the street committees of the 1980s. Another audience member said that the opposition is very unstable, and changes its leadership too often. A third member asked, how can multiple parties in public institutions result in better outcomes? There is too much political correctness, and not enough diversity of thought and opinion. Public participation has become a tick-box exercise.

Kulati read some comments from the webinar’s online audience. One was that clean audits don’t necessarily mean good service delivery. Another said that we must credit those ministers who are doing their jobs, which will put other ministers under pressure. 

One audience member said it will take much commitment from participants for the GNU to actually work. Another asked, what can the GNU do to gain the public’s trust? How is the GNU good for SA? And, what are the alternatives?

Abrahams said “public participation” has become about placating the public, among politicians, instead of really addressing their needs. Accountability has become about pushing papers and reporting to the “right structures”. The public has become docile because it is treated like a client base, and politicians make decisions on its behalf. 

She also warned that the GNU should not rush its decisions. “Urgency is not the answer, because there are no silver bullets.”

Pooe said his worry is that the GNU participants may become mired in compromise, in not making each other look bad, in mutually assured non-destruction, resulting in little being achieved, and the work on the many crises in the country not being done. 

He said that the public must really hold politicians accountable, by voting, by participating in civil society, and by learning who their councillors are and talking to them. 

Mnguni said that he realised in the last election how many people are illiterate when it comes to voting. He warned that we have failed to realise how disruptive the 29 May elections were. There are so many different interests and alliances happening, for instance in Gauteng; everybody is bargaining for their own interests. What kind of consensus will be reached on issues like the NHI and the minimum wage? There is no consensus on what “public good” or the “common good” is.

10 points to put in place 

The GGA has identified 10 priority areas that the GNU needs to tackle to turn the tide on voter dissatisfaction and our stagnant economy, which Mongae read out:

• Deepening political accountability
• Fostering greater public engagement
• Navigating the coalition era
• Bolstering the civil/public service
• Improving local governance outcomes 
• Reconfiguring SOEs
• Unlocking mining and industrial potential 
• Addressing peace and security issues in the SADC 
• Maintaining credibility in a volatile global environment
• Set an example on climate change.

Closing remarks

Abrahams read her comment out as a letter: “Dear GNU, you have the potential to make real change, so be bold, but allow yourself to be questioned as parties, because the citizens want to believe in you; give us a reason to trust the government. Don’t just pick an audience with big business; show us that you care, and that you are legitimate.”

Pooe said that former Chinese leader Deng Xiaopeng said something important: “hide and bide” — meaning, work quietly, and get things done. He added that we need to work on the fact that women can’t walk alone at night; our infrastructure needs to be rectified; and that we need anticipatory, not reactive governance. 

Mnguni said that the public must become more literate in knowing how the state functions. We can’t judge how the government performs in terms of how the ANC has failed; we need to start thinking more holistically.

Mongae said that a democratic system and government that leaves people behind is one that will be punished. There is hope and possibility, but this must be accompanied by political will and imagination.

The meteoric rise of the uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party was the biggest change that occurred in the South African 2024 general election: the personality of former president Jacob Zuma brought in over three million votes for it. But the ANC is unlikely to form an alliance with this new party, as there are too many personality clashes. Can the DA and the ANC actually work together? Whatever happens, compromise is key in the coalitions that will take place in the next few weeks.

These and other issues were discussed in a webinar on post-election South Africa, held by Good Governance Africa in partnership with the Mail & Guardian. Moderator Patrick Kulati, CEO of GGA, introduced the event, provided context and gave some background of the panellists. 

Asked what the key take-aways are from the elections, Mondli Makhanya, Editor-in-Chief, City Press, described the election results as “seismic”. He said the ANC was hoping for at least 50%, and it is “fantastic for our democracy that we no longer have one dominant party”. He said that the leader of MK was voted for by more than three million people, but can we dismiss this as mere Zulu nationalism? He congratulated the IEC on its performance in past elections, but said that the glitches it made in this election played into the hands of those who are questioning the legitimacy of the election results. 

Keolebogile Mbebe, Lecturer in the Department of Philosophy, University of Pretoria, said that MK has “thrown a ball at the bowling pins of our expectations”. She said that so many people didn’t vote — voter registration was at 58% — but we have to be careful of the way we interpret this. It is often perceived as apathy, but South Africans are expressing their political agency in other ways, such as protests. 

Makhanya said the dominance of the ANC up till now has meant that people have tended to equate the party with the government. In addition, the opposition has not come up with viable alternatives to date. These are some of the reasons that people don’t vote, but he doesn’t support this no vote option. “The best thing about this election is that the ANC will be held to account now.” 

Ethnic voting and the EFF

A question came from the audience: why are so many South Africans voting along ethnic lines? Mbebe said that it is not necessarily along ethnic lines but perhaps because some parties like the Patriotic Alliance (PA) and the DA are doing more groundwork in the regions where their policies most resonate. She added that many people are opting for other ways to voice their grievances, other than voting in elections. 

For Khaya Koko, Investigative Editor, Mail & Guardian, the biggest take-away from these elections was that Jacob Zuma was bigger than the IFP and the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal; a personality was actually bigger than two established parties. Koko said he was not surprised that the EFF, which is also personality driven, lost support, as he thinks that they already hit their plateau a few years ago. “The EFF will not grow unless it changes its outlook,” said Koko. 

Makhanya said the EFF has lost support because of its disruptive, almost hooligan-ish behaviour. The party invested a lot of energy and resources in KZN, but MK took away all its gains in that province. Mbebe pointed out that the EFF is very active in university spaces, so their support may grow in time.

Koko said the PA has grown over the last decade, as coloured support for the DA waned. Coloureds have been marginalised historically; for instance, there were legitimate grievances about coloured officials being overlooked for promotion in the prison service, and instead blacks were favoured. The immigrant issue is big in the townships and in rural areas (it isn’t in rich mostly white areas), which the PA capitalised on. Makhanya said the PA has done a lot of work on the ground, and at councillor level, so they deserve their nine seats in parliament — which could make them kingmakers. 

Mbebe said we should closely interrogate the dominant narratives in South Africa that we believe unquestioningly, such as “foreigners are taking our jobs” when most of the resources are still in white people’s hands; and what is “a quality life”, and exactly who is diminishing our chances of having one? 

Kulati asked, what should our new coalition government have top of mind going forward? Koko said the days of parliament being a “rubber stamp institution” are over, because there is no outright majority any more. For instance, the Phala Phala investigation may be reopened, as many minority parties want it to be investigated further. 

Makhanya said the power and water issues must definitely be prioritised. Basic living conditions need to be addressed in the townships; the first 10 years of the ANC did change many people’s lives, but now they have gone backwards, in terms of basic services. People, particularly women, need to feel safer walking down the streets, especially in the townships.

The question of accountability is not a simple one, said Mbebe, especially when parties have to answer to their funders, who may be from other countries — in this regard, more transparency about funding may help to have a critical approach as to who parties must be accountable to, and on which terms. 

Questions from the audience

Kulati said we are now in “uncharted territory” in our democracy; the coalitions that form in the next few weeks will impact the course South Africa takes for many years. Several questions then came in from the audience. 

Makhanya said that the idea of an MK-ANC coalition is a fantasy, because the animosity between them runs too deep. MK’s demands are not feasible, so this relationship will be unworkable. An ANC-EFF alliance is more possible, but the track record so far has not been a good one. An ANC-DA alliance is probably the most likely, as they will be able to find common ground, although issues such as the parties’ opposing stances on Israel will need to be ironed out. 

Koko said a provincial coalition in KZN will have to include MK, or there will definitely be violence, which MK has made clear. The 2021 unrest was stirred up in part through voice notes, and these are circulating again, he said. He said MK and the EFF or the IFP will likely align to govern KZN, although the IFP is looking to make a coalition with other parties. “I don’t think there will be any chance of KZN seceding,” said Koko.  

The panellists then discussed where the parties stand on a scale of conservative/right-wing to progressive/left-wing, and Kulati pointed out that there will have to be a lot of compromise on the parties’ stances in order for any coalition to happen. Mbebe said it is a good thing that there is contestation, because nobody’s voice should be silenced. 

She said that the tenets of the Constitution itself should be questioned, and that the urgency of the land issue cannot be separated from the issue of service delivery. Makhanya disagreed, and said the Constitution is sacrosanct, because it protects the rights of many people, especially the poor, and it compels the government to do so. There is a big revisionist movement wanting to change it, but at most, it should only be improved upon. “Poor implementation and bureaucratic inertia has been what has held us back on the land issue, which has been romanticised: most South Africans want to live in an industrial state; they don’t want to farm the land,” said Makhanya.

Mbebe argued back and said the Land Restitution Act states that in order for people to claim land back, they have to prove that they were expelled from it after the 1913 Land Act; but this should be questioned as it erases centuries of dispossession before 1913. The will to farm should not be seen as the only legitimate use of land, and so black people should not be deprived of their right to land on the dubious basis that they would not make legitimate use of it. 

Koko said that many wish for the “African” parties to unite at this point, but the personality clashes among the leaders are too big, and it will cause instability. Even when the ANC and EFF had a chance to change things back in 2016, they could not work together. But many in the ANC do not want to align with the DA for reasons of self-preservation, because the DA wants to prosecute those who are corrupt. The DA will also not work with the PA, according to Western Cape Premier Alan Winde, so there is no chance of them making an alliance.

A question came from the audience about the potential for instability during the coalition talks. Koko said he does not think that this will be the case, but if things do not work out after these talks, there is a good chance that it will occur. 

The media and the election

On the question of media coverage during the election, many felt that the smaller parties did not receive enough, but Koko said that the SABC did in fact cover many of the minority parties. “The media is shrinking, and newsrooms tried to cover what they could. There is a lot of animosity towards reporters because of perceived bias, and sometimes these criticisms are valid.” 

Mbebe said the South Africa media should stop thinking that it is “objective” and be transparent about what politics they are actually advancing. Makhanya said he believes the media tries to reflect the views of the people and protect them. He said many media outlets did try to present the views of the smaller parties. Newsrooms have shrunk, so it was not possible to cover everything adequately; Koko concurred on this point.

Kulati wrapped up proceedings after two hours. 

Final comments

Koko: The country is safe.

Makhanya: We may be in for a sometimes chaotic but interesting five years; it will be difficult, but let’s appreciate this maturing of our democracy.

Mbebe: The Constitution is an unjust imposition on the native people of this land, and any conversation about the elections and the legitimacy of the state is made vacuous without addressing the land question.

The conundrum for South African youth is that many of them feel that the political parties in the upcoming national elections do not represent their interests — yet they know that by not voting, nothing is likely to change on the political front. They are asked to vote ahead of each election, but left without support or jobs after them. It is essential for the youth to understand the manifestos of the parties they wish to vote for, but how is this possible when many of them cannot read with understanding?

These and other issues emerged in a lively discussion on voter participation and the youth vote, by Kagiso Trust in partnership with the Mail & Guardian.

Moderator Lizeka Tandwa, Political Editor at the M&G, opened proceedings by asking Dean Zwoitwaho Nevhutalu, a Trustee at Kagiso Trust, who worked as the Superintendent General of the Limpopo Provincial Department of Education and was involved with CODESA, why Kagiso Trust thought it was important to have this discussion. He answered that the Trust was founded during the struggle and founding of democracy. It was a dream come true to vote in 1994, he said, and young people were everywhere, educating old people and urging them to vote.

Since then, the youth have become less involved in politics, but if they do not actively participate in the political process, it does not augur well for the future of South Africa. “Democracy is sacrosanct and must be protected, and Kagiso Trust is dedicated to encouraging people to vote, especially the younger generation,” said Nevhutalu.

Tandwa said that less than 40% of the youth is registered to vote, and asked Obakeng Kgatshe, the Youth Activism Programme Manager at the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, why this is so. Kgatshe answered that the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation encourages young people to vote, but has found that the reason that they are not voting is because although they are interested in the politics in South Africa, they feel the political parties do not represent them or align with their needs.

Tandwa asked whose fault is that voter participation has declined — is it the political parties? Khumo Kumalo, the founder of “94wasMisunderstood”, a newsletter engaging with South African politics and identity, said yes, it is the parties, because the youth want issues like job creation to be addressed, and the current parties are not doing so; none of them have actually engaged with young people.

What do young people want, Tandwa asked Otsile Nkadimeng, the Executive Director of a youth voting advocacy group called SoWeVote. They want jobs, growth and an environment of prosperity, and affordable healthcare, Nkadimeng replied; very few people have come out of poverty in the last 30 years. Part of the job of SoWeVote is to analyse the manifestos of political parties. “There is a feeling that South Africa is deeply flawed, that we are living on a knife’s edge,” he said.

Nevhutalu said that back in 1994, the sentiment was one of self-reliance, of building the country up. “The first thing the youth must do is vote; they will never change anything by sitting at home.” We must all participate in who will govern us, to determine our own future.

Kumalo said there is an age limit of being 35 or older that prohibits young people from being able to engage in politics. The youth has always impacted on the political sphere in SA, from the 1976 uprisings to FeesMustFall in 2015, which happened almost a decade ago, but beyond commenting on Twitter, the voice of the youth is today restricted.

Kgatshe said everyone pretends that they want to hear youth voices at the time of elections, but what happens after 29 May? Will we see politicians going into schools and communities to address youth concerns? Nobody is listening to the issues that the youth have today, such as being able to be heard, and to be able to walk the streets in safety.

Is there a democratic backslide, Tandwa asked, to which Nkadimeng replied that the youth invested in SA’s democracy; they are involved in civil society, in civic education, in protests, in saying “these are the things that need to change”. Political leaders must involve young people in changing things. There are only two people below the age of 35 on the Presidential Climate Commission, but climate change is a very real issue for the youth. “Young people are tokenized in politics.”

Nevhutalu said young people must understand that this is their country, their responsibility. “They are looking for some kind of messiah to come and change things,” he said. Corruption is a big problem in South Africa, and sometimes even the youth are involved in it; for instance there are some SRC members who are taking bribes. Young people must be fully engaged in the democratic process before, during and after elections.
Kumalo said there is a perception that the youth are materialistic and idealistic, but they do deserve basic human rights. Most South Africans do not get the opportunity to speak out about their hardships. “If so many of our youth cannot read with understanding, how can we expect them to understand the manifestos of political parties?” he asked. When the youth do go and vote, they must understand who they are voting for.

Kgatshe said the media has an important role to play, but the dominant message is for the youth to go out and vote. The media should help to break manifestos down, so they are easier to understand. It is essential that the youth understand who they are voting for; they must not feel pressured to simply go out and vote.

Nkadimeng said the discourse about politics is not aimed at young people; most of them do not have DSTV, for instance, which is where most political debates occur. It is the job of the politicians to get their message across to the people; most parties are inaccessible, and use language that does not speak to the aspirations of the youth. The youth are not a homogenous group, but most of them have no vision of a future for this country. The youth cannot access the political space, as most positions are being held or gate kept by those who took power in the 90s.

The reluctance of youth to engage in the political sphere is not unique to South Africa, it is a global phenomenon, said Nevhutalu. Even in China, where there are jobs, the youth are not engaged. The youth must start shaping who they want to vote for. Kagiso Trust has never advocated that the youth must just go and vote; young people must educate themselves on what the manifestos of various parties are about. Even if a party does not reflect all your concerns, go and vote for one that approximates what you want.

Kumalo said most of the manifestos say basically the same things. In addition, most independent parties have leaders who come from larger parties, so we are not seeing any new policies really. People in SA are living from paycheck to paycheck. The youth want to have the opportunity to improve their lot, get degrees, and get jobs. Most of us just want to see money come into the household; R350 a month is clearly not enough. Nothing is changing for the better; there are no services, and the country is dysfunctional.

Tandwa said the role of government is to create an environment conducive to doing business, but Katashe pointed out that the private sector also must play a role in development, and that communities must be better organised to hold business accountable. Nevhutalu said that the private sector must not be let off the hook, but one of the reasons it has happened is because the lines between government and the private sector are blurred. The government must be fixed.
There are few youth structures left for the youth, said Nkadimeng: “The youth have to scrape for every second of people’s attention.”

People are desperate for a new government in SA, but the opposition does not inspire confidence.
Asked about coalitions, Nkadimeng said there are hopes for national coalitions, rather than provincial or metropolitan coalitions. Kgatshe said that people are scared to vote for smaller parties because they may become kingmakers, so they vote for the devil they know. People who are involved in coalitions often just want power, and when mayors are changed too often, for instance, the effect is negative on citizens.

Closing remarks
All of the speakers were unanimous that every South African must go out and vote; for some, it will be their first election they can actually vote in. Some of the more essential points made were:

• It is a case of “gut-wrenchingly” poor choices of parties, but one has to make concessions and still exercise one’s democratic right to vote.
• It is essential to interrogate the various parties’ manifestos and track records. One must ask, how do they prioritise me?
• There will likely be a scramble for members of smaller parties making deals with the bigger parties — and it will be interesting to see who “sells their soul”.

South Africa’s youth is often seen as the “lazy generation” but many young people are actually involved in the processes of democracy and creating change. Often what they do is less visible, such as working on social media, and the issues, such as decolonisation, are not clearly understood by older generations. Voting in the upcoming election is one way the youth can hold our politicians accountable, but the real work must be done in the five years between our national elections. This can take many forms, such as participating in community meetings or engaging with your local ward councillor. There is no question that the youth are disaffected, and that there is a huge demand for change.

These and many other issues emerged in a webinar hosted by Good Governance Africa in partnership with the Mail & Guardian on the youth and their vision for South Africa’s future. It explored their hopes, visions and how they see themselves shaping the country’s future.

Moderator Patrick Kulati, CEO of GGA, opened proceedings by asking the panellists what 1994 means to them.

Mmabatho Mongae, Data Analyst, Governance Insights & Analytics, GGA, said she thinks of 1994 as a white paper, setting out what is possible. Busisipho Siyobi, Head of the Natural Resource Governance Programme, GGA, said she thinks of the sacrifices made by those who fought for our freedom. She also thinks 1994 helped to provide more access to basic services like education to more people. 

Asafika Mpako, Communications Coordinator for Southern Africa, Afrobarometer, said that 1994 represented to her grandparents a huge sense of hope. It was a great opportunity for black South Africans to start to realise their dreams. Pranish Desai, Data Analyst, Governance Insights & Analyst Programme, GAA, said for him, 1994 represents change, and what can actually happen when change occurs. 

Mpako said Afrobarometer conducted a survey in 2022 on what the priorities are for young people in South Africa. Topping the list was unemployment; most are more educated than their parents, but are still not employed. Secondly is crime and security; third was electricity; fourth was corruption, and fifth was water supply. These indicate poor performance from the government; only 10% of the youth believe the government is performing well. “Young South Africans are not satisfied with the functioning of our democracy.” 

Siyobi said it is vital to fight for democracy and protect the democracy we have. We have to hold our government accountable through the voting process, and ensure the priorities the youth have outlined are addressed. The surveys conducted over the years show that fewer and fewer South Africans are satisfied with the governance of this country. 

Mongae said  that in 1994, South Africans were hoping that democracy would be accompanied by socioeconomic wellbeing. Although great strides have been made, most South Africans are dissatisfied with the pace at which socioeconomic challenges are being addressed. This begs one to ask “how do South Africans value democracy?” Is support for democracy perceived as being synonymous with the presence of socioeconomic wellbeing, and is the lack of democracy perceived as the absence of socioeconomic wellbeing? 

Kulati asked if young people are involved in activism today, or have they become apathetic? Mongae replied that her generation is often considered as “the lazy generation”, but now there is this huge pressure for the youth to go out and vote. She believes that today’s youth is involved in different issues; for instance, instead of marching, they are fighting issues like decolonisation and working on social media. Activism takes different forms today, many of which are less visible.

Mpako said that to say that the youth is apathetic or non-participative is simplistic. It is true that the youth are not voting as much as they did, but so are older people. The youth contact traditional leaders and political representatives at similar rates to their elders, and participate in protests at the same rates. Afrobarometer is finding that the youth do not believe that taking part in elections will yield the results that they want, and that their views will be heard, at the highest level. Because of this, the youth is turning to different forms of engagement that elevate their voice.

Siyobi said there are definitely spaces for the youth to make their voices heard in the work that the GGA is doing. Desai concurred; he said one area he has been researching is that of coalition governance. When coalitions don’t work, it affects people on the ground, but these days one can use things like social media to liaise with, for instance, your ward councillor. Kulati said that social media can indeed be very effective in highlighting when people don’t do their job. Desai said his work at the GGA identifies where interventions can be made at various levels. Citizens get to know how their area relates to the rest of the sub-continent, and how they can get more involved.

Corruption

Some comments came in from the audience: How can the youth become involved in reducing corruption, and in improving service delivery? What methods can we use to hold our political leaders accountable?

Mpako said corruption is a huge problem, and there are ways to hold politicians accountable, such as voting in next week’s election, and we can also make change happen in between the elections. Some of the methods we can use to do so is to engage with our ward councillors, members of parliament, religious leaders and political leaders. Other methods are to take part in protests and go to community meetings that address service delivery issues. “We must expand the way we engage in the democratic project, at many levels, and hold leaders at all levels accountable.”

Mongae said we should examine new ways to engage with our democracy, as “the real work takes place between the elections held every four to five years”. It may seem overwhelming to think, “how can I make a difference”; we must maximise our culture of ubuntu and existing communication platforms such as town hall and lekgotla meetings. A study by SALGA in 2015 found that citizens who had engaged with their ward councillor felt more satisfied and were less likely to engage in violent protests. Right now there are many town hall meetings taking place, but these should keep going after the elections, and their recommendations should be put into effect. There must be some way of holding our leaders to account. “We must ask ourselves, how can I contribute towards this democratic process?”

Desai pointed out that nearly half of our municipalities are under investigation for corruption, which takes place at many levels. It is useful to understand the scale of it, and how it can be addressed, for instance through community meetings. It is a challenge for those who do not have money for transport to get to meetings, and they often won’t have data to participate in online meetings. 

The role of business

Siyobi said she believes that the business community has a huge role to play in empowering the youth. One method is through private-public initiatives; this is happening in certain mining communities, which are helping with education, for instance. But in these communities, the focus is on STEM, and there should be more emphasis on the social sciences. 

Desai said businesses can take action by discouraging and calling out corruption, whether it is a rigged tender, or when a position has been bought. When corruption is exposed, it will enhance your company’s reputation. Mpako said she thinks the CSI policies of companies must be revisited, especially when it comes to their scholarships.  When students only qualify for bursaries because they obtain a distinction, it replicates a vicious cycle of empowering only certain people and excluding others. 

The 2024 election

Mongae said there is some urgency among South Africans — including the youth — which helps explain the larger voter registration among the youth. This challenges the idea that the youth is apathetic. It is often said that the youth does not value their freedoms because they don’t appreciate the struggles of the previous generations, but the youth is faced with its own pressing struggles. The extent that youth voter registration turns into voter turnout will depend on various factors such as voter partisanship and the ability to imagine a South Africa beyond the current challenges. About a third of the youth says they don’t know who they want to vote for, even if they have registered to vote. 

Desai said coalitions are happening because of proportional representation, which is part of our system. Because the ANC dominated, there were fewer coalitions, but as they lose ground, there will be more coalitions happening, especially in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal. South Africans must just get used to this new reality. It will help if the process is made public and formalised, so that citizens understand it better and feel more involved.

Mpako said Afrobarometer held a telephonic survey over the last few months, and its results will be released on 22 May. It found that many South Africans don’t know who they are going to vote for, so there is still room for the parties to sway their votes. It also seems to be the case that many young people feel the newer parties and independents represent their interests better than the old parties did. 

Closing remarks

Siyobi said it is important for the youth to vote, to keep our leaders held to account. Our transparency and accountability measures must be improved to ensure more equity. 

Mongae said she is hopeful about the future of South Africa; we are only 30 years old, and despite our past, we have made huge strides, and we should congratulate ourselves for that. What South Africans are saying is “despite the strides made we want new reference points”. What are we going to use our agency to  change the current situation? Our generation’s question is “what legacy are we leaving for the generation after us, what are we doing to make their struggle easier”? 

Mpako said one of the findings of Afrobarometer is that there is a huge demand for change, and for the government to deliver, so that those who exist on the periphery can start to feel part of it all, and make a contribution. She is very proud of the youth who are determined to make a difference. She urged them to remember that the arc of history is long, and that 30 years is short in the bigger picture.

Desai said the youth not voting is a global problem. He urged young people to keep learning about the world and keep trying, even if you fail. “Question what you read, so you can make more informed decisions.”

Ethical leadership is what South Africa needs perhaps more than anything else at this stage in its journey, yet it seems to be in short supply, and not just in politics, but in many levels including business, which was revealed clearly by the Zondo Commission. Ethics can be taught, but this won’t necessarily make a person ethical. The best way to instil ethics is to do it early, through the family and school, so that doing the right thing becomes second nature. Ethical leadership comprises having courage, being able to speak the truth, standing up to power, having strong morals and ethics, competence and integrity.

These themes, and many others, emerged  in a webinar titled “The Need for Ethical Leadership in South Africa: 30 Years  After Democracy”, hosted by Good Governance Africa (GGA) in partnership with the Mail & Guardian. Building on the insightful groundwork laid during the first webinar of the series, it focused on the critical role leadership has to play in influencing the  nation’s  trajectory  and  addressing  its  governance  challenges.  

Moderator Patrick Kulati, CEO of GGA, introduced the debate and recalled the SA2020 Scenarios debate that happened in 2002 and 2003, where four scenarios were envisioned. He then introduced the panellists. 

Ronny Mkhwanazi, founder of Mkhwanazi Incorporated, said the best scenario, called “All Aboard the Dual Carriageway”, was about everything the people concerned were hoping for, but the conditions required for this to happen included having ethical leadership. 

Kulati asked Fatima Rawat, senior subject matter expert at The Ethics Institute, what does ethical leadership mean? She said “ethics” means doing what is right for both oneself and for others, and “here the concept of balance is crucial”. If one is a leader in an organisation, the concept of “organisational ethics” comes into play, where the values of the organisation must be borne in mind regarding what actions the company or organisation takes, and the impact they will have on others. “An ethical leader will ensure the organisation fulfils its mandate in a way that it is easy to do the right thing.” There are many leaders at different levels in any large organisation, she said. The code of King IV is all about how ethics, competence and integrity can combine.

“An ethical leader will ensure the organisation fulfils its mandate in a way that it is easy to do the right thing.”

Bafedile Bopape, author and former government executive, said that the title of her recent book says a lot: A Government on Life Support. She asked, how did South Africa end up in the ICU? The citizens of any country must ensure that the state is protected from politics. When it comes to service delivery, it must be clear who is responsible for it. The government will talk about their manifestos and agendas, but it is the public servants who must implement these. “We need a dialogue about the role of public servants, because the current government has politicised the state,” she said. Kulati asked if a clear line must be drawn between the two, which Bopape confirmed. 

What support systems are there for public servants who are actually committed, asked Kulati? Bopape replied that we tend to paint everyone with the same brush of corruption, which can be demoralising. She said that there were few complaints about service delivery during the first two administrations, but around 2009 that all began to change, and that “30 years into democracy, we are still searching for a democratic ideal”.

Asked whether he thought that there is still a glimmer of hope for South Africa, Mkhwanazi pointed out that there has been poor leadership in many sectors, including civil society. Crucially, there is still a very poor relationship between the state and business; this is detrimental because business creates jobs, while in return the state must provide conditions for doing good business. “It’s become a standoff, where everyone is waiting to see what will happen; there is no collective ownership,” and perhaps there is indeed a “collusion of the elite” who live behind electric fences. 

Fortunately, there are still very strong government frameworks in place, with codes such as King IV. This meant that during state capture, one could not bend the rules, so instead those involved in it removed the people who were custodians of the law, who were stumbling blocks to their ambitions. Mkhwanazi said he feels for the public servants who are working hard but are perceived as being corrupt, when in fact it is the leaders in the boardrooms who are corrupt: the fish rots from the head.

Rawat said the Ethics Institute is working on a collective action project called The Local Government Ethical Leadership Initiative, together with COGTA, SALGA and the Moral Regeneration Movement (MRM). Essentially the project is not about creating more rules and laws; it is about creating the right ethics. Critical to the sustainability of the project is to have a strong advisory council, which is made up of civil society leaders; it is chaired by Father Smangaliso Mkhatshwa from the MRM. In examining what ethical leadership comprises, these qualities emerged: having courage, being able to speak the truth, standing up to power, and having strong morals and ethics, competence, integrity and good governance.

The politicisation of the state is what interferes the most when it comes to ethical leadership. Inappropriate deployment is another big problem, because deployment is very different in theory to practise. You get issues like somebody who is placed low down in administration at local government level, but who is politically senior to his or her boss. This creates webs of complexity that detract from or prevent efficient administration.

“Public servants are unanimous that ethical leadership is what is most required for better service delivery, followed by accountability.”

The Ethics Institute with its partners conducted the Public Sector Ethics Survey in 2015, 2018 and 2022, so we now have some comparative data, said Rawat, and the language of ethics is becoming more familiar. “Public servants are unanimous that ethical leadership is what is most required for better service delivery, followed by accountability.”

Kulati said the Zondo Commission revealed that many institutions we used to trust had let us down. Many people in professions that were trusted have been exposed to be corrupt, from religious leaders to heads of auditing and consulting firms. What can be done to reverse this?

Review the selection process for public servants

Bopape said in politics, being a leader is not child’s play. It is not about you, it is about others. When a politician prays, he must ask, like Solomon, for wisdom, to make sound decisions and judgements, which have a good outcome — and not just for you. “We also need to review our selection processes. Public servants are servants of the people. We need to determine if someone has this quality in our review process,” she said.

Our value systems are influenced by our upbringing, parents and education. For instance, a newly appointed CEO or DG, when he or she first sees a pile of money, may think that it is for themselves if their value system is poor.

Mkhwanazi concurred, and said ethical leadership relates to our education; we are creatures of our environment. Countries that invest in ethical training reap the rewards, and this needs to be an ongoing process. Regarding those professions that were caught out as being corrupt, it was usually a clique or an elite that was involved, that realised that they could do things under the table, but most employees in those institutions are highly ethical.

Rawat said that every profession has a code of ethics, but the Zondo Commission created a loss of trust in many businesses, and they in turn lost a lot of business as a result. South Africa rates lower on the Trust Barometer than the rest of the world regarding how much trust citizens have in their government, but it is only marginally lower regarding their trust in business. To restore trust is a basic issue of restoring integrity.

Comment from the audience

Luke Feltham, M&G editor-in-chief, asked: “South Africa has always been far too comfortable with its inequalities, or at least for those among us who thrive in it — what does that say about our ethical compass? Are we too immoral to redress the imbalances?”

Rawat said that you can teach someone ethics, but it won’t necessarily make them ethical. Actions speak louder than words — schools must become moral communities, so that children can see ethical leadership in action. There are also initiatives taking place that bring constitutional values into the curriculum.

Monde Lot Ndlovu, managing director of the Black Management Forum, joined the panel halfway through the webinar. He said the BMF was premised on developing and supporting black leaders, and also creating an ethical “soil” or environment. He said your conduct is a reflection of your personal value system and principles; “we are not ethical in order to transform, we are ethical because it is the right thing to do”. We are all accountable, from small business leaders to those who run large corporations, because our actions influence our peers, our family and our communities.  The late Dr Samuel Motsuenyane was a good example of an ethical leader. “Ethics are the bedrock of sustainability, for you, and for your successors — even when nobody’s watching, always do the right thing.”

Bopape said we need citizens and communities that are ethical, and leaders who are ethical need support from them; people watch leaders to see how ethical they are. Rawat said that the code for ethical leadership is about making decisions that benefit people in the long run, and to act in that spirit. The code has seven core principles, such as creating an ethical culture in which it is easy to act with integrity. Well-functioning institutes create trust because they deliver the services they are supposed to provide. This creates stability, which is good for business, which is in turn good for the taxpayer. 

Mkhwanazi pointed out that ethical leaders have humility, because to listen to people requires tolerance, and this quality is slipping away from us — we have lost the ability to disagree, to have uncomfortable conversations. Integrity is, for the man on the street, when what politicians say is what they mean: if we are told there will be water in the taps, then there will be. You cannot improve if you cannot listen. We should want to be better people than we were yesterday. We cannot legislate a person to become ethical; we can only have the dialogue, then people can make an informed decision.

Ndlovu said the deep systemic issue that still influences business today is the “old order”. There has been B-BBEE fronting, because that is old order thinking. We have to change the structure of the economy, which is dominated by too few players, to create the right conditions for ethical leadership. We need to “wag a bietjie”, and work on changing the systemic issues. He said that we need to change these systemic issues, or we are vulnerable to a revolution. “We need to address our historical backlog.”

Closing remarks

“There is a prevalent ethos in the youth that someone else is going to sort out our problems, but unfortunately this is not true.”

Rawat said that leaders don’t exist in isolation; ethics is everybody’s business. We need to hold each other to account. Leaders are not born, they have to be grown, so that they can become competent. “We must debunk the myths around ethics and implement them.”

Bopape said there is a need for an intervention at an educational level. Ethics cut across business, government and public service. There are pockets of public servants who are actually doing their best. We should capitalise on our strengths, and encourage them to carry on doing well. 

Mkhwanazi said ethics have to start in the home, but schools and businesses must have these conversations too. “There is a prevalent ethos in the youth that “someone else is going to sort out our problems, but unfortunately this is not true.”

Ndlovu said that leaders need to think carefully before they act and make critical decisions that impact society, sometimes for years to come. We need to make annual goals to address the triple challenges that South Africa faces of unemployment, inequality and poverty, by X amount, to help focus our efforts. The ESD programmes of companies must be expanded to become truly effective.

Kulati concluded by saying this conversation is part two of a GGA series held in partnership with the Mail & Guardian. The next one, in two weeks’ time, will focus on the youth.

In 2002, a group of young South Africans, selected for their acknowledged leadership potential to scenario-plan the country’s future, gathered in Stellenbosch over a period of a year to envision what the country could be like in 2020. More than two decades later, some of the participants agreed that while South Africa has become dysfunctional in many respects — largely due to its poor leadership — there is definitely hope, as pockets of excellence do still exist.

Among these are: the fact that we can still speak out openly about our situation; that many people have indeed been uplifted by the more socialist elements of our state; and that our courts are still able, to some degree, to rein in the excesses of our leaders.

Good Governance Africa (GGA), in partnership with the Mail & Guardian, has brought some of the original participants of the SA2020 Scenarios project together for a webinar series to reflect on the initiative, reminisce about their experiences, and envision the way forward as South Africa heads for the 2024 elections. 

The experience of participating in the SA2020 Scenarios project 

Moderator Patrick Kulati, CEO of GGA, kicked off the proceedings of the first webinar by asking the panellists to introduce themselves and recall what it was like to take part in the project all those years ago. 

He briefly outlined how in 2002, a group of young South Africans gathered at Mont Fleur Conference Centre in Stellenbosch to scenario-plan the country’s future and envision what the country could be like in 2020. The SA2020 Scenarios project was orchestrated by the African Leadership Institute and engaged young leaders to think innovatively about the future and craft strategies to address South Africa’s immense societal problems. 

Donavan Williams, social commentator, said he has always been an activist, but taking part in the project was the first time he had done scenario planning. He said the experience was “pretty exhausting”, as he had positive views of South Africa’s future, but he found that there was a lot of conservatism in the group. The issue of race was avoided a lot, and some participants were very pessimistic. “This prepared me for today,” he said, “because we still have the exact same problems, and there has been a rise in the justification of racism, and of right-wing thinking.”

Isobel Frye, executive director, Social Policy Initiative, said that she found participating in the group helped her to form her identity in the context of encountering people from such different backgrounds. She found it surprising that the issue of the basic income grant was rejected by some participants, who were of the belief that anyone could simply work to raise themselves up. 

Nkuli Mabandla, lawyer and executive, said she was happy to be involved given her activist background, but she found some of the participants differed a lot from her, which was challenging, and that she found the whole experience quite frustrating. 

Kulati interjected to provide some context, and explained to the audience that the participants of the SA2020 Scenarios project had included people from vastly different backgrounds, with diverse class, genders and jobs — there were economists, doctors, environmentalists, members of parliament — even a representative from Orania.  

He said that four scenarios were envisioned.

The four scenarios

• The first was called “Dead End” — if the country had leaders mired in corruption and individualism.
• The second was called “Slow Puncture” — it explored the outcome of SA choosing to carry on the same path that they were on in 2002, not rocking the boat.
• The third was “Sharp Right Turn” — an economic route with capital-intensive growth, but little regard for the social sector and the people of South Africa.
• The fourth was called “Dual Carriageway” — a bold, inclusive set of policies that would lead to sustainable growth and social equity.

Kulati then asked the panellists a series of questions.

In which scenario are we now?

Frye said that there is still a lot of “Dead End” today; there is a compact between white capital and the political elite; the power and water cuts are a sign of a society that is dysfunctional. 

Mabandla agreed and said that there has been a lot of excesses, but South Africa’s courts, and initiatives like the Zondo Commission, have helped to minimise corruption to a degree through “lawfare”, where the courts were drawn into the public arena and thrust into a relationship of tension with political players. She pointed out that we forget the burdens that our democracy inherited, such as the unequal economic structure of apartheid.

Williams said that on a macro level we have aspects of the first three negative outcomes in place today; we have self-serving leadership, the reward of corruption, and some of our religious institutes have become businesses. But, on a micro level, many people are being uplifted, and there is a lot of openness: for instance, we are able to publicly criticise politicians without fear. 

“We have more than the basic elements of a social state,” said Williams, providing the example of visiting the eDumbe municipality in northern KZN recently where he spoke to farm workers, who said a bus came every day to fetch the kids for school, which they didn’t pay fees for; and a mobile clinic came to look after the elderly. This may be similar to the “Tintswalo” story, but we have made some positive steps. 

The real issue is that the private sector has not come to the party when it comes to development, said Williams. We did not take accountability into account when we were planning the scenario; our leaders should be held much more accountable. But we are still poised for Dual Carriageway, because there are still amazing elements out there; we just don’t know how to harness them. 

Frye pointed out that there are positive things we achieved that we should celebrate, such as the rollout of ARVs, which effectively addressed the HIV pandemic. However, she pointed out, we cannot redistribute wealth if there is no economic growth; SA needs social security and wealth tax, but we haven’t dismantled its basic unequal economic structure. With our unemployment levels, we are a dysfunctional state, but we are not a failed state, and “we are in a war crisis because of unemployment, but we do not seem to have a war response”.

Kulati said that, from what he could summarise about what had been said, was that we are in a serious situation, but there are pockets of positivity that we can be proud of. The real issue is that of poor leadership, and not just political but also business leadership. 

Frye said that corruption was rife under apartheid, but that was how the state functioned and how business related to politics. This structure was never dismantled when the ANC came to power, and little has changed, despite the efforts of initiatives like the Zondo Commission — which also highlighted the role of international players in our corruption. Williams pointed out that even if we did address corruption, our neoliberal capitalist system is fundamentally unequal. 

What is the real value of planning scenarios? 

Mabandla said it felt like the scenario was a bit absurd at the time, but now she can see that “we were on the mark”. The real value lies in how they are positioned. 

Frye said that their value lies in the compromise, because we can see where the various scenarios lead to, and we don’t want to go there. Much of the value lies in how the participants evolved; the outcome was the process itself. Williams said the value of scenarios lies in the conversation. We shouldn’t rush into action when we don’t know what it is that we really want. When we talk of the future we have to confront the present and the past, and if we do that properly then we won’t end up facing the same problems in the future. The ability of South Africans to talk loudly and without fear is what may save us in the end. 

Kulati said there have been many political changes since 2002 — the ANC has been riven by conflict, we are entering an era of coalitions, a dwindling voting population. 

How can SA be put back on track?

Williams said our economic policies have enabled inequity. What was interesting about the 2021 elections was that it was a vote of no confidence in the opposition parties, even though people were disillusioned with the ANC. The populace is losing trust in the ANC — but it does not trust the opposition parties either. 

Frye said while it is clear that there will be more political parties in parliament, our voters must hold the parties and people they vote into power accountable to the manifestos they promised to implement: “representative democracy is not just about placing your vote”. She added that her worry is that education and health may suffer at a provincial level because of coalitions.

Mabandla said she is fearful that there will be a small turnout of voters in the elections. Kulati said this is called “democratic backsliding”, which happens when people feel that their voting won’t make any difference. The GGA is motivating people to vote, because although we don’t know what will happen in the future, we do know what has happened in the past, and we don’t want to go back there.

The way forward

Frye said her organisation believes in the basic income grant; if everyone is above the poverty line, it will boost businesses in the townships. “If everyone gets R1 500 at the end of the month, there will be a lot of activity the next day.” But beyond this, people need jobs. We have to get the youth involved, get them voting and ask them how they would like to become involved in political structures. We must celebrate those who are getting things right at a local level.

Williams said he agrees that we need social stimulus. He said we need to develop hydrogen fuel in South Africa, as we have the largest hydrogen reserves in the world. We need to own the mines so that we reap their benefits. Land reform has to occur in the rural areas, and people need to start farming again. He said people must get involved in community organisations and grassroots participation, and “we can’t just participate as keyboard warriors”.

Mabandla agreed that land restitution is essential. We need more follow-through on policies like RDP and the national corruption policy. She also said that more budget is needed for the criminal justice sector. 

Kulati concluded by saying the GGA is rolling out a campaign to recruit and train a million young people in good governance, participation and ethical leadership. “The main issue in South Africa is we need better, caring leadership.” 

For more details, visit: https://www.gga.org/

Join us for our next webinar on Tuesday 07 May at 5pm SAST, where we will be discussing the role of effective leadership

The absence of fathers is a crisis facing South African society. By some estimates, up to 80% of the country’s boys grow up without a father or father figure. This lack of positive male guidance and role models has detrimental effects on young boys’ development and outcomes later in life. This is the grim reality behind A Dialogue Tackling Fatherlessness and its impact on boys’ development, hosted by the Gautrain Management Agency (GMA) in partnership with the Character Company and the Mail & Guardian earlier this week. 

The conversation, however, was not one of doom but one of hope. Gauteng’s high-speed commuter rail brought together experts to spotlight the impact of fatherlessness, but more importantly, showcase an innovative mentorship programme model that aims to change the trajectory of South Africa’s boys, raising them to be good men.

WATCH: The #Fatherlessness Dialogue – Hosted by Gautrain Management Agency

Gautrain CEO Designate Tshepo Kgobe opened the discussion by explaining that the campaign aims to empower men to step into the gap left by absent fathers, and in doing so contribute towards raising the men South Africa needs. “Studies show that as many as four out of five boys are growing up without father figures or positive male role models, and this underscores the devastating impact we witness.”

Acknowledging that its responsibility extends beyond transport, the Gautrain’s Wellness of a Child campaign, which is now in its second year, continues to address the challenges facing South Africa’s boys. This is done through programmes run in partnership with the Character Company that focus on nurturing their development and introducing them to mentors who model positive masculinity.

Kgobe likened this to “kintsugi”, the Japanese practice of repairing broken pottery with gold, which celebrates the object’s journey rather than its perfection. “Within the brokenness of society and the damage, the Character Company is the golden glue that not only repairs the damage but shows us how to embrace and celebrate the imperfections,” he explained. “From this brokenness, we can create something new … something better.” 

He said every boy deserves the opportunity to grow into his potential, and in doing so impact the world around him in a positive way: “It doesn’t matter where somebody came from; what matters is how we help them get to the next level. It does not matter where we have been. It matters that we are all here today to address these challenges together, because we know that there exists a space for young men to grow; a space where we can create a better South Africa.” 

The campaign’s focus on the boy child does not negate the challenges faced by girls. “The scourge of gender-based violence exists because boys and men lack a guiding light; someone to look up to who can show them the way,” he explained. 

He says the Wellness of a Child campaign is about bringing people — men and boys in particular — together to show them a different way of living. “It’s about creating a world where mentoring is valued and where we can openly discuss the challenges and solutions; a world where young men know that change is possible.” 

Let’s talk about masculinity 

The event centred around a frank panel discussion, moderated by broadcaster and media personality Siya Sangweni. He was joined in conversation with Professor Malose Langa on the State of South Africa’s Fathers report, as well as Kgaugelo Habyane from the Manned Up Conversations Podcast. Joining them was founder of Character Company Jaco van Schalkwyk, and Kingsley Tloubatla, one of the organisation’s MENtors. 

Langa set the scene with a reminder that the current state of fatherlessness in South Africa cannot be explored without acknowledging the country’s complex historical context, with particular emphasis on apartheid and its migrant labour systems. “Families were disintegrated and fathers were nowhere to be found.” 

He said there has been a shift in recent years from emphasising the need for fathers to provide financially for their families to them also making an emotional contribution to their children’s lives. “A lot has shifted, but a lot still needs to be done,” he added. 

Habyane said the Manned Up Conversations podcast was born from a need for a safe platform, to have the difficult discussions needed to shift the narrative:.

“It’s about creating a space where people can speak freely and then reflect on what they’ve said. It’s a process of self-awareness. I believe asking questions creates impactful conversations. The only guidance is to express oneself while being compassionate and empathetic to others’ struggles. We acknowledge that not everyone has it together, and we aim to eliminate the lone ranger mentality from our discussions. Success stories, struggles, inspiration, heartbreak — our conversations cover a spectrum of emotions, creating a diverse and authentic dialogue.”

He said that these types of conversations facilitate change. “Men often lack opportunities to express themselves because as soon as they do so, it’s labelled as toxic. Instead of shutting people down, we need to give them the opportunity to consider a different angle. It’s not about saying they’re completely wrong, but encouraging accountability and fostering understanding.” 

Changing the trajectory 

Jaco van Schalkwyk, founder and “dad” of the Character Company, said these conversations are also at the heart of their unique mentorship programme that matches boys aged five  to 10 years old with adult male volunteer mentors. The critical age range is targeted due to research showing a father’s influence peaks during this developmental stage for young boys. 

Van Schalkwyk’s passion for “MENtorship” stemmed from his own experiences growing up. “As a young boy growing up without a father, one of the most profound challenges is the gap,” he explained, putting his hand to his chest. “This might not be apparent until much later in life, and by the time this becomes visible around the age of 16 or 17 a mindset has already been firmly set and walls have already been constructed, and it becomes difficult to open up to mentorship.” 

He said this gap in his own life impacted him significantly, especially when it comes to identity. “It is crucial when it comes to understanding who I am and realising my own value; walking around with this sense of lesser value also makes one vulnerable to abuse and bullying.” 

It’s not that mothers aren’t good enough. “The truth is they, they just aren’t ‘dad’ enough,” Van Schalkwyk added.

He said the transformative power of mentorship is at the core of the conversation: “If we neglect this aspect then we risk losing the positive message; the conversation about hope. It’s crucial to focus on the positive outcomes and what happens when individuals are guided through challenges successfully.” 

The Character Company aims to create a culture of leadership, replacing the existing culture that perpetuates the challenges that boys, girls, men and women face. By fostering consistent and active mentorship relationships with boys who lack father figures, the programme aims to impart critical guidance during boys’ formative years of building their identity and value systems. 

A collective responsibility

When asked about the role that women and mothers have to play, van Schalkwyk said: “It is essential to take a breath and focus on tangible results. What is incredible about this dialogue we’re engaged in is that it provides a platform for everyone to have a voice. It’s not solely the responsibility of the Character Company to tackle these issues, and we don’t operate on the assumption that just because we’re doing the work we have all the answers. 

“Mothers and fathers, women and men, each and every one of us can make a difference if we work together.” 

But for that vision to materialise requires more men to answer the joint call issued by the Gautrain and the Character Company: men need to step up and step into the gap left by others. It is only through ordinary South African men giving back consistent time and guidance that the ripple effects of fatherlessness can be overcome.

According to MENtor Kingsley Tloubatla: “It begins and ends with all of us being the change that we need in society.” 

MENtors to lead the way 

South Africa faces immense challenges when it comes to fatherlessness and its impact on the country’s boys, but there are phenomenal strides being made to ensure that they have strong male role models. This was according to Professor Malose Langa, an associate professor and senior lecturer in the School of Community and Human Development at Wits University. “There is still a lot to do, but a lot has been done; we need to see these positive stories mentioned in the conversation as well.” 

This is exactly what the Character Company aims to do — share positive stories about manhood and masculinity while providing mentorship and guidance to young boys without father figures. “It’s disheartening to see the issues out there and feel powerless,” acknowledged Jaco van Schalkwyk, the founder of the Character Company. “Our approach involves bringing men in the community together, emphasising their role in the development of boys. We recognise that they may not be fathers, but they hold immense value.” 

Early interventions key 

Between the ages of five and 10, he explains, is a critical period of development in a young boy’s life; one that sees a young boy transition from the nurturing environment provided by his mother to the adventurous exploration traditionally guided by his father that defines boyhood. 

Van Schalkwyk said this period is foundational: “It shapes much of who we are. Moms play a crucial role in accepting and loving their children, but there’s a shift in influence during these formative years. We recognise the importance of fathers — or father figures — stepping into this role during this pivotal time. It is at this age that a boy’s identity, character, discipline structures and value system are laid down. It’s the start of the roadmap that will guide him towards the man he wants to become.” 

There is also value in starting early before mindsets have been set, bad habits have taken hold and walls have come up. “By starting early, we can prevent the damage instead of having to try to undo it,” he explains. “We aim to change the narrative, creating a culture where teenagers engage in conversations around vulnerability.”

This is achieved through modelling positive behaviour and fostering discussions. “Influencing their perspective is a gradual process of transformation that starts with the foundational years and extends into adolescence, shaping individuals who challenge the norm,” he said.

Who am I? How can I find my place in this world?

Kingsley Tloubatla is one of the MENtors at the Character Company. He grew up in Soweto, one of five children and the only boy in the family. His father was not around: “I always observed my mom and sisters relating to each other, I saw them talking and receiving guidance about life. It raised questions for me. The persistent question was, ‘Who am I, and how can I find my place in this world?’ ” 

This question came with many challenges, but his life changed after a chance encounter with the Character Company. “It resonated with my soul and I immediately felt that this was what I had been looking for and what the world needs,” he recalled. “The journey has been beautiful. I feel like I’m in the right place at the right time. The past few years with the Character Company have been defining in many aspects of my life.” 

Tloubatla said his role as a MENtor is to provide a solid foundation for the boys he interacts with in the programme, to equip them with the values essential for daily life. “We break down stereotypes, challenging notions like ‘men don’t cry’ or ‘men shouldn’t express vulnerability’. These conversations encourage the boys to be authentic at a young age and move away from traditional male stereotypes. We avoid those ‘typical’ male conversations around success, money and women, shifting towards discussions on the real challenges men face.”

MENtors to lead the way 

Most importantly, he says, every interaction must emphasise the key qualities that the Character Company seeks in its mentors. What are these qualities? “We need FAT men — faithful, available and teachable,” Tloubatla said. 

What does this look like? “Faithful in the sense of being consistent and committed to the programme. Available means showing up even when it’s challenging. Emphasising availability is crucial. When the boys know their mentor shows up consistently, it changes the narrative. They feel secure and reassured, even in challenging situations like bullying at school. It gives them a sense of someone intentionally making time for them.” 

“Teachable”, he explained, involves being open to learning from other mentors and even the boys themselves. “In my eight years of mentorship, I’ve learned patience, a quality I didn’t expect to solidify with a five-year-old, but it’s been part of the journey.”

‘I can do more than I believe’

Almost a decade ago, Brighton Mugomba was a scared ten-year-old facing a literal wall. He had just joined the Character Company as a mentee and looked forward to their weekly activities. It was during one of these outings — an indoor rock climbing excursion with his new mentor, Jaco van Schalkwyk — that he was forced to admit the truth. He was terrified of heights. 

“The first time I went I could not get halfway up the wall without coming back down,” Mugomba, who is now 19 years old, recalled. “My friends were all excited about the activity and asked how it was, but I did not know how to tell them that I couldn’t do it.” 

He said his mentor was understanding but firm: “Jaco is the type of guy who pushes you to finish the things that you start, and I knew this wouldn’t end until I had gone all the way up. And let me tell you, that feeling when I finally made it up and down that wall … I cannot describe it.”

Mugomba, who lost his father when he was just four years old, smiled when he glanced over at his mentor: “It was at the top of that wall that I first realised I can do more than I could ever believe, and I can push past things that I did not think I could. That’s what fathers do. They push you when you want to give up and show you that you can take another step, even if you don’t think you can. It has been a wonderful journey.”

This sentiment was echoed by another beneficiary of the Character Company’s mentorship, 18-year-old Blessing Masia, who lost his father to cancer when he was five years old. He said his experience with the programme has been life-changing. “The greatest benefit has been talking and learning about myself,” he told the audience.  

He said that the Character Company has also taught him how to connect with others. “When you don’t talk about your feelings to others, then you keep everything inside, and this can build up,” he noted. “Talking to my mentors has also taught me how to talk to others and how to approach them.” 

Despite the pressures of life and social media, he remains steadfast on who he is: “People post about girls and drugs, and I can look at everything, but I know this is not what I need right now. This is not what I want for myself. I want to be a good man, and I want to lead. I want to lead my family and teach my own children one day how to live better and improve the community.” 

He said his actions have already had a positive impact: “I have a little brother and I see that more and more, what I do also affects him. If I go out drinking and partying every night, then he is going to do the same thing because he looks up to me. If I learn good values from the Character Company and I live by these values, then it teaches him to do the same thing.” 

For more information on how to help raise the men South Africa needs, visit: www.thecharactercompany.co.za

As an enabler for all things education, including student loans and student funds management, Fundi strives to ensure that students are catered for at every touchpoint of their educational journey. An important aspect that is frequently overlooked is mental wellness, so a thought-provoking webinar on the topic, in partnership with the Mail & Guardian, was hosted to discuss challenges and how to overcome them.

Themes that emerged in the webinar included the fact that studies show that many South African students are simply not coping: many are depressed, and some turn to drugs or alcohol. It’s always a big transition to move from school to university, but this is compounded when students come from townships with gangsterism and violence, or they are the breadwinners in single- or no-parent homes. Many struggle with buying basics like food and sanitary pads while they study; there may also be cultural and language difficulties. There are often not enough mental health resources at universities, so therapists are not always available, but group therapy with other students is providing a glimmer of hope.

Facilitator Thembekile Mrototo opened the webinar and said it was a tough time of year for students, as their assessments are being done. According to the South African Anxiety and Depression Group (SADAG), one in four students suffer from depression.

Benedict Johnson, Executive Head: Educational Business Solutions & New Initiatives at Fundi, said that Fundi began in 1996 by giving students loans, then it started providing tutoring services and a bursary support programme. But it is not enough to just fund students: they have to be seen holistically, as physical, psychological, emotional and social beings. To really help students with their wellness, one has to hear what their challenges are. If a student is successful, this supports their family, community and the country. To achieve this success, students require holistic support.

Student wellness and what affects it

Psychology expert Shanaaz Kapery Randeria said that student success begins with student wellness, but “wellness” can be defined in many ways. Do we measure student success by how many of them manage to find employment after university? Perhaps the best definition is when a student is able to reach her full potential. The aim, then, is to move from students merely surviving at university to thriving. 

Randeria said that many South African students are the first in their families to do tertiary education. The family situation they come from has a deep impact on their studies: for instance, the family may be on social grants, there may be no running water in the house, or they may come from a single-parent or child-headed family. Some students are familiar with computers but many are not; if they come from informal settlements, they may have been exposed to crime, gangsterism and violence. One study done in 2021 found that 51% of students had depression, and a 2022 study found that 20% of students require mental help.

Students are focused on “who am I? And what do I want?” — they are on a journey of self-discovery. Our youngsters are studying longer and taking longer to settle into jobs, start long relationships and have children. They are developing concrete and abstract thinking skills. She said the psychopathologies of later life, such as addictions or depression, often begin in student years, and the interventions made are usually reactive, but they should be preventative. 

Optimal student wellness includes many factors, such as: physical and mental health, emotional wellbeing, having social connections, being able to build resilience, having clear goal setting and strategies, making good lifestyle choices such as doing physical exercise and having long-term focus. It is essential in the academic journey for students to learn, grow and fulfil their goals. Mental wellbeing enables students to cope with stress, realise their abilities, learn and work well, and ultimately contribute to their community. 

What stresses students out

Randeria said that the state of mental health varies between students depending on what they are studying. For example, medical students have far higher levels of stress and their rate of suicide is nearly four times higher than that of the general student population. 

A big stressor for students is that they are leaving their familiar home environment, and they have to look after themselves for the first time. This involves self-discipline, and many lack this ability — they don’t keep regular sleeping patterns and may begin drinking. Some have to send money home to their families, and some feel guilt because they are getting good food but their families are not. It can be a big transition if a student comes from a rural background, and doesn’t feel she blends into the city lifestyle. 

Sometimes a student finds their choice of study is not aligned with what she thought it was going to be. A huge stressor is when students are not familiar with technology, such as computers, which may lead to problems for even simple tasks like submitting assignments. The language barrier can also be a problem — lectures are usually done in English, and this may not be a student’s first language. The volume of work can be overwhelming, and then there are distractions, including other students, drinking, etc. Many students don’t know how to handle their finances, as they have never had to before.

A single life challenge, such as breaking up with a partner, can cause a mental breakdown or depression. It can also be a combination of challenges; for example, a student may have a heavy workload but peer pressure makes her go to a party, then she cannot prepare for a test adequately. The academic environment is very competitive, and stresses may accumulate. Many students come from a school environment where they did well academically, and then fail for the first time at university, which is very hard to accept.

A good support system is essential for students to cope, and it is vital for a student to know when it is the right time to ask for help. Several studies have shown that poor mental health adversely affects academic performance. Student wellbeing and mental health is everyone’s responsibility — the academic institution, organisations that work with students, and that of the students themselves. Students must try to connect and support each other. The organisations  that help students must establish what the best lines of communication with them are: they may not respond to SMS messages, for example.

Randeria ended her presentation with a simple stress-relieving exercise, which involved  touching alternate forefingers and thumbs, which she recommends students do before stressful events such as exams. 

SRC contributions

Mrototo then opened up the floor to the Student Representative Council (SRC) leaders.

Ntando Mhlongo from the University of Johannesburg SRC was asked how students are coping. She said it was mainly black students who are not coping well because of their culture and background. Many suffer from poverty and do not have access to basic needs such as sanitary pads. The SRC is trying to draw the attention of the UJ administration to these issues, which affect students’ mental health. 

Njabula Sibeko from the University of Pretoria SRC said external situations affect students, such as what occurs in their off-campus residences. Even if your mental resilience is strong, if you do not receive your allowance for a few months, it is very difficult to cope. He said it is “a long road that we still have to walk”.

Avuxeni Tyala from Rhodes University SRC said it is really hard for those black students who have to help their families with food and money. She said first-generation students face many obstacles, including the transition from high school to university, having to be a breadwinner and balancing this with being a student.

Mhlongo said black students come from a background that has very limited understanding of mental health and the challenges that students face, such as “black tax”. These challenges are compounded if a student fails and then has to pay back money and is excluded from the university. Some students may use alcohol or substances to cope on a daily basis, but may not realise that is what they are doing, which is why educational platforms are extremely important. There are sometimes resources available, which students can reach out to.

Sibeko said UP has resources, but there are not always enough therapists available relative to the amount of students needing help. The university is putting resources into promoting mental resilience, but it should also be making sure there are more therapists.  One student said she went to try and get therapy in August and was told she would only be able to see a therapist in November. Universities are difficult spaces for some students to exist in.

There may be cultural differences between the black students and white therapists, who may not understand the levels of poverty some students experience, or a student may have a spiritual calling that is misunderstood as a mental health issue. Sibeko said they have asked students who are studying psychology to help with peer counselling, because they understand the struggles other students are going through. It’s important for students to stand up and help each other, he noted.

Tyala said at Rhodes that they are moving from individual therapy to group counselling, and there’s been a very positive reaction to that, as it takes away the feeling that you’re going through challenges alone. A huge problem however is the stigma surrounding mental illness; if, for example, you can’t get out of bed because you are depressed, you are just seen as being lazy. The SRC is trying to make spaces where people can relate to others and their struggles, where they can find comfort and not be isolated. 

Mhlongo said many students face financial struggles because their bursaries or the NSF have not given them allowances, fees or funding. These institutions are very difficult to contact if there haven’t been payments made. 

Final remarks

Mrototo asked the SRC leaders to comment on how things could improve for students’ mental health.

Sibekoo said there is a huge disconnect between the university management and the way students are living on the ground. The rules cannot be stuck to, and that there must be empathy for students. If, for instance, students don’t have food, then food parcels must be supplied. 

Mhlongo said universities must make more room for and be responsive to: cultural issues, home-based issues, language barriers, the treatment students receive from landlords, and basic issues like food, registration fees and access to certificates after graduation.

Tyala said we must destigmatize mental health, and that student wellness needs to be at the centre of all our conversations. 

Johnson concluded the webinar by saying we need more facilities for helping students with their mental health. “Fundi doesn’t see this as a challenge, we see it as an opportunity,” he said.

For more information, visit: https://www.fundi.co.za/

Useful numbers

For those who are going through stress, trauma and anxiety, The South African Depression and Anxiety Group (SADAG) can be contacted at 0800 567 567.

For issues of sexual violence, gender-based violence or domestic violence, contact the TEARS Foundation at *134*7355#

Good Governance Africa (GGA), sponsored by EnerGeo Alliance, presented an inclusive and dynamic discussion on the future of energy in Africa, in partnership with the Mail & Guardian. The webinar brought together key stakeholders, including policymakers, academics, industry leaders and civil society representatives, to engage in an open and constructive dialogue on solving the energy deficits across Africa. 

Questions that emerged included: can the transition to renewable energy, in a continent with largely unskilled labour, really be a just transition? Is there sufficient capital for Africa to make the transition, and is political will really there? Can the ideological stance of renewable energy being “better” be backed up by scientific facts? And … How can we ensure that including small scale fishing communities in discussions about energy extraction from South Africa’s oceans is not mere tokenism?

Dr Ross Harvey, GGA Director of Research and Programmes, opened proceedings by setting the context, before introducing the panellists. He said that burning biomass is still the primary source of energy for many Africans, but this has an adverse environmental and health impact (indoor air pollution is still a major source of mortality), as do coal-fired power stations. Mass electrification is therefore a critical priority, especially given that 600 million Africans (60% of the entire population) still do not have access to reliable energy. 

“African countries need to be nimble to ensure an energy mix that is as clean and reliable as possible,” he said. Renewable energy costs are plummeting, and energy grids are becoming less centralised, but policies must be developed with a deep understanding of the trade-offs involved in transitioning to green energy; it is not an either-or situation, but one that involves many nuances. 

To watch the webinar, visit:

For more information, visit: https://gga.org/

Energy for Africans

Professor Lwazi Ngubevana, Director of the African Energy Leadership Centre at Wits Business School, said that when we speak of the future of energy in Africa, it must be led by Africans, for Africans. The continent has unique circumstances, including widespread poverty, which needs to be urgently addressed. The concept and institution of green energy should not come from an ideological perspective, but from science, he stressed. A big issue is the lack of financing for renewable energy: it “does not compute” that we are pushing for Africa to go green, but there is not enough money to do so. Africa must demand a seat at the table when it comes to the terms of financing renewable energy. 

The continent cannot continue to be exploited; it holds many of the minerals needed for the green transition. It cannot just keep exporting minerals in exchange for technology, but must be involved in all the steps of the transition. Ngubevana pointed out that nuclear energy is not popular with environmentalists, but if we let science do the talking, it is indisputable that it has the smallest carbon footprint. Natural gas will also play a big part in the transition to clean energy. This is because the mines required to extract “critical minerals” for the transition will take a long time to build.

Balancing act

Professor Ken Findlay, marine mammal biologist and Specialist Consultant  with Global Ocean Accounts Partnership , said we need an informed balance between energy security and ocean protection. A “full-cost” model must be found that balances comprehensive ocean wealth and health with capital, sustainability and inclusivity. Too many projects do not sufficiently account for negative externalities — the hidden social and environmental costs of profit-making that are often offloaded onto marginalised communities who can least afford them.

We require adaptive ocean governance; historically and currently, trade-off decisions between sectors and the environment are often based on the contribution of these sectors to GDP metrics, but in fact, there are many other externalities that need to be considered. 

Our oceans are changing and so is the way we use them. Across the globe, countries are turning to exclusive economic zones to advance their blue economies, such as Go Blue in Kenya and the EU’s Blue Growth, which are long-term strategies to support sustainable growth in the marine and maritime sectors. This is in response to the increase in ocean pressures such as pollution and unsustainable extraction. The way in which ocean monitoring takes place has changed massively in the past 20 years with the advent of new technologies such as big data, said Findlay.

Sustainable ocean planning requires the integration of social, economic and the environment aspects, which must be well informed, scientifically researched and adequately financed. Balance is required between what is produced and consumed and what the ocean can handle. The ocean has a porous nature, so what occurs in one place then occurs in others; it is far harder to manage pollution in the ocean, for instance, than it is on land. We must also update our laws: South Africa’s legislation around the acoustic pollution in the ocean from sonar and seismic testing is not far from adequate, he said.

Local communities fight back

Moenieba Isaacs, Professor at the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS) at the University of Western Cape focused her presentation on small-scale petitions and coastal communities on the subject of seismic surveys. The surveys proposed by Shell on the Wild Coast were successfully challenged by small-scale fishing communities and environmental groups, and there were other challenges made before these. The rights of local communities must be considered when it comes to exploiting our oceans via the blue economy. 

Local communities must have a seat at the table when it comes to exploration projects; many organisations claim to represent communities but do not do so in reality. The success of our communities in obtaining interdicts against large companies like Shell lies in knowing their legal and constitutional rights and in forming alliances with international environmental organisations; however, they may be used by them as tokens, and interdicts are not always sufficient to stop testing from proceeding in the long term. We need a new way of engaging that is more sustainable.

Consultations are not always made with the 200 million Africans who fish for a living, both inland and on the coast, and local and indigenous knowledge is often overlooked. Policies must be inclusive — not just in name — and local communities must benefit financially from decisions made by big energy companies.

Ideology versus science

Ngubevana said we must remember that there is an impact caused in harnessing solar and wind energy, but we often overlook the cost due to ideology. In Europe, it has been shown that the higher the penetration of renewables, the higher the cost has been for consumers. We need to be sensible and listen to the scientists: for instance, if you install wind turbines, how does this affect the communities nearby, and were they consulted? How will they benefit? 

Harvey agreed, and said we must incorporate local communities in such decisions, but often the conversations are very technical, and there may be the issue of how to ensure that everything communicated is fully understood.

Findlay said his background in working with the ocean has led him to take more and more into account the nexus of humans and the environment. Open accounting allows us to integrate the flows between economies and the environment, and we can then analyse the impact of various sectors and “underpin the serious questions with hard data”. He added that informal economies are not reflected in national accounts when it comes to, for instance, calculating GDP and tax, and we need to somehow measure them. 

Real inclusivity

Harvey asked how we can create real inclusivity, and avoid communities being used as mere pawns in other people’s games? Isaacs replied that we are not investing enough in research on how to interact with communities. She said her work with communities involves discovering from them what their issues are, and that she frames the conversation from there. There is a lot of messiness and politics, but successful research takes a lot of time; you have to work with and alongside the community, and to do so, you have to get out of your own comfort zone.

Questions from the floor

What damage does seismic testing cause on marine mammals? 

Findlay said there has been a lot of research done on this issue. The impact is not only on marine mammals, but also on plankton and fish. There is very clear evidence of marine mammal mortality from sonar, but this is ignored in environmental impact studies. There are also long-term impacts, for instance on fertility rates. We need more local research on, for instance, how sonar activity affects South African species such as snoek. At the moment the best we can do is to use global best practice. We often draw on dated information, and there is a need for adaptive processes.

How do you locate job creation in the transition to renewable energy in the African context?

Ngubevana replied that this is a very controversial point.  We need to build our manufacturing capability on the continent, which requires a lot of planning and coordination between countries. The key is to ensure that we do not simply export raw materials, but fully exploit global value chain opportunities, which will require more thorough regional coordination and coherent industrialisation policies

Isaacs said there is a lot of unskilled labour in Africa, which creates problems when it comes to the energy transition. This is why we shouldn’t talk about a “just” transition — it’s not clear what justice actually looks like when all these issues are in play — a major overarching point is that there are not a lot of jobs for unskilled workers being created, and this is a serious problem.

An audience member from a fishing community said that what is happening on the west coast is that bigger ships are using sonar to detect schools of fish, but the sonar is also chasing them away, leaving the locals with no fish to catch. Another problem is that people talk “about” small-scale fishing communities, but not “to” them. Consultations such as this roundtable must include the people from the start; not including them makes them feel disrespected. The communities don’t know what the “just transition” means, and don’t feel included in it. Harvey responded that this point was well appreciated, but it’s a “both/and” situation. Conferences are not always the most appropriate forums for community consultation. GGA conducts field research to ensure that legitimate community voices are heard.

A Kenyan farmer said that in his country, most people use very little electricity. He said Africans are being told to transition to solar and wind power, and leave their coal and gas in the ground, but if this is done, farming and other important industries will not function. “Africa will not develop without fossil fuel,” he said.

Another member of the audience responded and told the farmer that he perhaps shouldn’t see things in such black and white terms, though she understood the sentiment. She said she was part of a study in Senegal and Ghana that investigated potential job creation in renewable energy. One topic that had not been brought up at the roundtable was that of political will, and whether governments would commit to what they said they would in the transition to renewables.

Concluding remarks

Harvey asked the panellists what they thought the way forward was for Africa. Findlay said that there is not enough political will to create enabling environments in Africa for small businesses, such as converting plastics into fuels, to flourish. There must be more transdisciplinary thinking in order for us to arrive at creative solutions. Trying to get biologists to think like economists and vice versa is proving a challenge!

Ngubevana there are many opportunities in the energy transition, and a lot depends on the communities themselves seizing the opportunities that are available, and in holding those in power accountable. 

Isaacs said we are in a climate crisis, a food crisis — and in South Africa, an energy crisis — and these must be addressed together, not in silos.

Harvey closed proceedings by thanking everybody involved, especially Energeo for sponsoring the event and the M&G for hosting it online.

There is a huge amount of work that lies ahead for labour, considering the economic and political crisis that South Africa is in presently, and cooperation among the various unions is absolutely vital. This was agreed upon by all the speakers who took part in a webinar titled: “The role of labour movements in consolidating democracy and development”, sponsored by the Democracy Development Program and hosted by the Mail & Guardian. Issues that it intended to address included the decrease in membership in organisations like COSATU and whether our unions can help build a culture of human rights.

A theme that clearly emerged was the role that labour should play in the Just Transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy, to ensure that thousands of jobs are not lost and that access to the new technologies is democratically owned. A second theme that was mooted was the possibility of a worker’s party standing against the ANC in the next elections, as there seems to be no viable political alternative at present.

The discussion was kicked off by Sphamandla Mhlongo, DDP Senior Programmes Officer, who said the labour movement played a significant role in South Africa’s transition to democracy in 1994, but economic liberalisation has led to high costs being imposed on workers, and the status of the labour movement now is evidently fragmented; unions have lost their appeal for many, especially for young workers.

Mhlongo pointed out that the average cost of food has increased by more than 10% from last year, and that the national minimum wage of R25.42 per hour or R3 457 per month, when dispersed among a family of four members, is below the upper-bound poverty line of R1 417 per capita, per month. Millions are struggling to feed their families, jobs are precarious, and we are in a very difficult economic environment. 

In the light of this, the three panellists then made their opening addresses.

Luzipo

Nontembeko Luzipo, South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) Deputy General Secretary, talked about the role of labour in consolidating the democratic process. She said that labour must ensure that the government upholds and implements human rights, that it maintains and builds infrastructure, and protects workers. Workers’ rights are protected through the labour laws such as employment equity, but often women are still not paid equally. 

SAFTU believes in a living wage of R4 500. The cost of a food basket for a family of four is R4 900, but this does not include electricity, transport and the like. Many companies do not even pay the national minimum wage. We do have strong labour laws in South Africa, but as they are often ignored or violated, the role of labour is to ensure that they are enforced. 

Labour must ensure that the government delivers on its commitments. Load-shedding is one commitment that the government has not honoured, the cholera in Hammanskraal is another example of where the government has failed to deliver its mandate of clean, safe water and adequate sanitation. 

Campaigns are something that labour must initiate and carry through: campaigns to address the living wage and address unemployment, to alleviate poverty and reduce austerity and improve the health system. “We [SAFTU] have joined the campaign to ensure that hospitals and schools are exempt from load-shedding,” said Luzipo.

We also have to campaign against widespread corruption. The railway system was a cheap and reliable means of transport for workers, who now need cash on a daily basis to pay for taxis. 

Noorbhai

Raaes Noorbhai, National Coordinator of the Socialist Youth Movement, said that trade unions are in demise, drawing closer to state power, and are becoming a “labour aristocracy”. This is something you can see in South Africa, where our labour leaders have become separated from the needs of the workers. Our unions, especially COSATU, have “become ensnared” within the tripartite alliance. All of this undermines the real role of unions, which traditionally is meant to be “a shield for workers”. 

He pointed out that it has new legislation has made it very difficult to obtain a strike certificate  — and that strikes are one of the strongest weapons that the workers have. 

Like many of our politicians, Gwede Mantashe has a union background, but since he has become minister of minerals, we have seen time and again how when communities fight big mining corporations, the state takes the side of the multinationals. Noorbhai said it is essential that the unions do not further entrench capitalist democracy, but rather entrench worker democracy. 

He gave the example of the General Industries Workers Union of South Africa (GIWUSA) and the Climate Justice Coalition, which have been pushing the greening of Eskom. “We don’t have to lose jobs to breathe clean air,” said Noorbhai, emphasising that unions really have to engage in the matter of the Just Transition. 

South Africans unions must join hands to have any real effect, on an international level as well. Perhaps a union like SAFTU should stand in the next election? The country is in a crisis, said Noorbhai, and a Mass Workers Party is required to address this.

Zulu

Andile Zulu, Energy Democracy Officer at the Alternative Information & Development Centre (AIDC), said that SA’s neoliberal economic system is profoundly undemocratic. “People may have the right to freedom of speech, but what does that count for if they can’t read?” he asked. 

Most South Africans are not free — they do not have the financial means to act on their desires. Neoliberalism has meant in South Africa the privatisation of SOEs, austerity and the cutting back of social services, and all the while, wages have been stagnating. Neoliberalism has also been massively elevating the power of the political elite.

Examples of neoliberal policy are: Eskom took out a loan from the World Bank in 2010 without consultation with the people, and because it is no longer provided as a service by the state, it is dependent on payments from people who can’t actually afford electricity. Labour is consistently portrayed as being too “loud” and inflexible, so investors are not interested in investing here, and, due to unemployment, our labour can be bought cheaply. The Just Transition is being pursued without consultation, just like the loans that were taken out. The energy of our country is increasingly based on profits, not on what is good for the people, and that is what unions must oppose. 

The role of unions and federations is to put pressure on the government to change its macro-economic framework and implement sustainable policies that benefit the people. They must call for a tax on the rich, for socioeconomic development, and to prevent the commercialisation of our energy sector. Renewable energy must be democratically owned. The future of labour lies in the energy issue. 

Renewable energy and Eskom

Mhlongo asked, is it too late to prevent what is happening at Eskom? Zulu replied that there are “big players” who are invested in the unbundling of Eskom, but it still belongs to the people. If the workers are organised and focused, they can put pressure on the state through their suspension of labour and bring them to the negotiating table. The problem is, do we have the organisation and discipline to do this? The fundamental policies that Eskom is run upon must be changed, such as outsourcing, which, history has shown, invites corruption. 

Noorbhai said we must remember that the policies behind Eskom were made deliberately, so lobbying is not enough; you have to force these actors to change, it won’t help to appeal to their morality. “There is no reformist alternative with the ANC; we need a mass movement to oust them at the polls.”

Mhlongo asked why labour has become so ineffective at mass organisation, to which Luzipo replied that more unity is required. There are many unions within Eskom, which must work together to save it, she stressed. When former Eskom CEO André De Ruyter spoke up about corruption there, SAFTU was the only union that went and laid charges with the police. 

“SAFTU believes in activism; we must go back to our roots as trade unions, and we must not be silent on issues because union leaders are afraid of losing their benefits. The more we are fragmented, the less pressure we can exert. We cannot be divided, as this means the capitalists can do with us as they want,” said Luzipo.

Questions from the audience

Are workers not best represented by NGOs? 

Luzipo replied that according to our laws, you cannot represent workers unless your organisation is a registered trade union. Noorbhai added that NGOs are not democratically organised, and should not be seen as an alternative to unions.  

Why were the unions so quiet during Covid? 

Luzipo said there were many challenges caused by the movement restrictions, such as not being able to have meetings and collect mandates; and many union members did not have access to webinars and to data. 

What exactly is socialism?

Noorbhai said that it is a huge topic, but one important aspect of socialism is that it means free access for all, to services such as education and health. Another aspect is that there is a planned economy; it is not just left up to the market. “In particular, we need a planned, massive rollout of renewable energy that benefits us all.” He said that one can never self-actualise under capitalism, unlike under socialism. 

He advocated that the Mass Workers Party should have the backing of SAFTU at the polls, to have maximum effect. 

Is the electoral space one that unions should contest? 

Zulu responded that politics is not compelling for most people, because the macro-economic policies of most of our political parties are not that different, so it all looks the same. There is also the issue of maintaining sovereignty from the private sector, which has so much power and leverage over the political domain. 

The political sphere can be used for creating change, but under neoliberalism, many people’s lives are so degraded that they don’t have the energy or will to make any changes. The market is changing very rapidly, and it’s very difficult for labour to organise under new employers like Uber, as their workers are so fragmented. 

Corruption is very entrenched, it’s an economy in itself, and if you challenge it at an entity like Eskom, those who benefit will not hesitate to resort to violence, and they have considerable resources. To combat that, you need very organised mass action. There is a huge amount of work to be done to challenge this class of kleptocrats, said Zulu.

Closing remarks

Zulu said NGOs must work out what exactly is their relationship with trade unions, and figure out what resources they have that can be shared, for instance by doing research for unions on topics like the Just Transition, or by helping unions to make educational videos. Cooperation is essential, because both are working under very adverse conditions. This is how the AIDC works, especially in pushing back against corporate sponsored media on issues such as renewable energy.

Noorbhai agreed that a lot of work lies ahead. The SYM has been helping postgraduate students who work for universities to organise to get paid better. The trend of the state regarding university protests has been to brutalise protestors, so shutting down the institution would be a more effective tactic. The power of a united working class is immense; unionising and striking are sharp tools. 

Luzipo said that at least our democracy still recognises days like Youth Day, Workers Day, Women’s Day, etc. “There is definitely a need for a political alternative, but it must be very carefully conceived: we must gather together so that we know what we are building.”