It is hard to believe that 30 years into South Africa’s democracy that around the world we are celebrating only 50 years of women being allowed to have credit cards in their own names in  the land of the free, the United States, and six years of women having the freedom to drive legally in Saudi Arabia. 

Back here at home in South Africa it’s been 31 years of marital rape being criminalised; 28 years of women legally having access to abortion services, giving us control over our reproductive rights, and 26 years of laws promoting gender equality in the workplace.  

And while it may be surprising how recent these milestones are, they represent significant  strides in the protection and advancement of women’s rights and should be celebrated. Yes,  we are not where we want to be, but we are certainly not where we used to be. 

The same is true of our child of democracy —“u Tinswalo” — yes, it may be an idealised story  given the harsh realities many of us face today but the story serves its purpose in  highlighting the vastly different society a child born after 1994 would experience compared  to previous generations. Tinswalo’s lived experience is progress. 

And it is because of this progress that a girl such as me, a girl whose roots are deeply planted in the villages of Tshifudi and Xhihoko, was able to attend the University of Cape Town. It is  at this institution of higher learning where I first encountered a real-life Tinswalo, a real child of democracy (although not born in 1994), a beautiful Tsonga girl with big bright beautiful  eyes. Tall, majestic. She had (and still has) an air to her; I would go as far as saying regal. Her name is not Tinswalo. Her name is Fumani Mthembi. 

In 2003, Fumi, like me, had left the safety of her mother’s nest in Gauteng to pursue her  undergraduate degree at UCT. We both had the unfortunate or fortunate fate of being  placed in the basement section (what I imagine may have been the servants’ quarter at  some stage) of Fuller Hall Residence. Fuller was the prestigious on-campus  residence designated for boffin girls (those that had matriculated in the top echelons of  their year). Fumi and I formed a bond in those thinly carpeted halls, fighting over a single  shower that served what must have been 10 girls. A bond that I pray will continue  throughout many lifetimes and will extend to our daughter, Zime. 

It has been a marvel to watch Fumi throughout the years. Not only because of who she is  but also because of what she represents. Fumi was born in the East Rand and spent her  formative years in Etwatwa. A township, like many in the country at the time, that was a  hotbed of anti-apartheid activists and where unrest and clashes between police and  residents were the norm. At UCT she studied a Bcom in politics, philosophy and economics.  She was passionate about her studies.  

I remember finding her lights on, on a night (okay, maybe nights) when I was coming back from  the club at 2am and knocking on her door to check in on her only to find her hard at work  writing essays.  

I also recall her excitement and how enthralled she was by a specific project where her class  had to simulate one of the global organisations tasked with fostering cooperation among  member states;I think it was the United Nations. If I recall well, she represented Djibouti. I  must pause here and mention that one of her classmates and very good friends that  participated in this simulation, Dr Sithembile Mbete, recently spoke on much needed  reforms at the UN Security Council on Common African Position on UN Reform held earlier  this month. In her address, Mbete called for at least two permanent seats for African  nations, complete with veto powers, as well as an increase in non-permanent seats. 

Fumi would go on to further her studies like a real boffin girl was expected to, obtaining  a BA Honours in politics and development studies from the University of the  Witwatersrand, and a Master of Science, Society and Development from the University of Sussex — and of course, both degrees with distinction.

And her essays … well, those have now turned into publications, including Where Constitutionalists Fear To Tread, Chapter 12 in the book titled Seeking the Ethical  Foundations of the South African Nation, and The Co-Benefits of Decarbonising the Power Sector.  

Fumi would also go on to become one of the founders, notably the only female, of the Pele Energy Group. Pele is a sustainable development company that was founded with the objective of positively affecting communities, both peri-urban and urban, by providing them with  sustainable energy solutions and creating sustainable education and employment  opportunities. The organisation prides itself as a leading, African independent power producer that  develops, builds, owns, and operates green energy plants of about 2000 megawatts across the African continent, as well as developing the communities within which they operate and  beyond. 

Fumi would also go on to establish and run an economic development consulting services division within the  Pele Energy Group, which was initiated by consulting Spanish Energy Utility Gestamp Solar. This was followed by establishing and having since managed Knowledge Pele, the group’s research,  development, advisory and social impact investment firm (KP). Under her guidance, KP’s research division grew beyond the renewable  energy sector to include the implementation of research projects for political  and economic randomised control experiments for clients including the University of Michigan, Yale University, the University of California, San Diego, and Oxford University. 

KP has launched several initiatives in line with the objectives that the  founders set out for Pele, including the launch of social infrastructure and community industrialisation  impact funds, as well as an online training platform targeted at people who live in remote  areas and without access to traditional colleges. It launched the Touwsrivier Commercial Hydroponics Farm, which has created 20 new jobs for the local  community, and launched an organoponic farm in Costa Rica as an affiliate of  Coldplay, yes Coldplay, Chris Martin Coldplay! 

Fumi sits on the boards of the National Business Initiative, the Accenture  Foundation, and the First Rand Empowerment Foundation. 

A true marvel to bear witness to. I often stand back in awe and maybe a little younger sister  jealousy as I watch my father’s face beam with pride when he describes her as “my boss”.  Following his short-lived retirement, my father worked for KP, training young people in the  community of Kanana on how to install solar panels and batteries. 

But it is not all these achievements that make her a child of democracy. Yes, she has benefited from the dream of democracy being realised and is proof of the significant  progress made in our country over the past 30 years. 

Albertina Sisulu, co-founder of the Federation of South African Women and Women’s March leader, said: “Women are the people who are going to relieve us from all this  oppression and depression.”

There are no truer words spoken. Back in uni, one of the things that had struck me about  Fumi was her closeness to her grandmother,“Kunu” as she fondly refers to her. Yes, this is  the case for many African children, but this one was a different bond, a special one. I  distinctly remember Fumi scheduling frequent phone calls with her Kunu. These phone calls  would last for hours, and she seemed so immersed in these ongoing engagements.

Fumi describes Kunu as her pseudo-mother. She is acutely aware of the importance of her role in raising her and  in her own words describes this as “an unspoken culture: the mastery of life embedded in  the proverbial village within which children are nurtured. Contrary to the nucleus, in the  village, we (being Africans) believe that children belong to their spiritual homes, to an  expansive collective that predates those who come into immediate contact with the child on Earth”. She further goes on to say, “So great then is the responsibility of parenting that it  compels all of us to action, it calls all of us to the responsibility of loving and raising that  child to their highest place in history.”  

Fumi could have gone on to do anything, anywhere in the world following her studies but  her mission has always been to plough back into her country, give back to her people. This trait I came to learn is one that was inherited from  her mother, Mama C.

Fumi describes Mama C as a community organiser, a woman that deeply loves community service. Mama C  reflected to her on how she opted not to go into formal politics in 1994 when her  friends were choosing to become ward councillors. Instead, she chose to  plough back into her community.  Mama C was an avid churchgoer who taught Sunday school and still does so today, even establishing a special Saturday class at her house for children whose parents cannot afford the taxi fare to get to her church. All this in addition to  the home visitations of the bereaved, sickly, and indigent.

Fumi recounts childhood memories with the benefit of the perspective of the  responsibility that women bear in teaching their children and raising them to “their highest  place in history”. As they say, hindsight is a beautiful thing. A recent account of one such memory took place in a taxi. There was a young boy travelling alone who wanted to sleep on Mama C’s lap and  Fumi was jealous. She was shouted at so much when they arrived home because Mama C wanted her to empathise with his situation. Even though she was also tired and would’ve ordinarily been the one lying on her  lap, her argument was that that child was vulnerable — travelling alone at such a  young age and clearly in need of nurture. So Fumi needed to know what it really  means to share, which is to share even when you have little, so we can all be better  off.  

Fumi describes this incident in the context of what Mama C stands for, her values, ideals and  principles. She also recounts how Mama C even learnt how to make Vaseline with candle wax so she  could help a poor family in their community because she did not want their children going to  school mbashile, looking ashy. 

She then goes on to describe her mother as  someone who has a greater sense of vision and connection to the meaning of life. Someone who bears no grudges or resentment. Someone who believes in always having a futuristic orientation. 

What a blessing to have sucked at the teat of Mama C’s knowledge and wisdom. 

A blessing to have been taught “that heaven is on Earth and that if you want to know  heaven, all you need to do is be good to yourself, and others”. These are Fumi’s words, not  mine. 

One may argue that Fumi’s experience and inheritance is not unique to the South African  child of democracy. This may be true. 

I however cannot think otherwise as I listen to Thandiswa Mazwai’s “Nizalawa Ngobani” where she reflects on the complexities of post- apartheid South Africa and the importance of  identity, history, heritage and our rich culture. 

It is hard not to feel special as I marvel at the progress of the child of democracy,  “Tinswalo”, the one that was raised on the backs of multiple generations of women across  this country. This child has risen on world stages: Caster Semenya, Nelson Makamo, Trevor Noah, Black Coffee, Rich Mnisi, Laduma, Akani Simbini and Tyla to name a few. 

And here at home, our women across different spheres and generations have made  significant strides over the past 30 years. Professor Glenda Gray is the first woman appointed as president and CEO of the South  African Medical Research Council. She has been internationally recognised for her contributions to  medical science and health, particularly in the fields of HIV/Aids and  infectious diseases. In 2017, she was named one of Time magazine’s 100 Most influential people.

Nonkululeko Nyembezi, a distinguished executive recognised for her  leadership in several major corporations and sectors, with many notable  achievements including being the first black woman to be appointed chairperson of the  JSE and the first woman on the African continent to be appointed chairperson of a major financial institution (Standard Bank Group and  Standard Bank of South Africa.) 

Mpumi Madisa is the chief executive of Bidvest; the first black woman to be CEO of a JSE Top40 listed Company. During her tenure she has maintained over 5% growth at an organisation that employs an estimated 130,000 people. She is driving a bold international expansion strategy including  acquisitions in Australia, the UK and Singapore,  and recently paid the company’s highest total dividend in seven years. 

 Ruwayda Redfearn is the first female chief executive of one of the Big Four audit firms in South Africa,  and the first woman to serve as the chair of the Deloitte Africa Board.

Tsakani Maluleke is the first female auditor general. Her reforms include implementing enhanced audit powers, including  the authority to take remedial actions and to issue binding  recommendations.

Dr Mampho Modise is the first female and youngest deputy governor of the South African  Reserve Bank.

So today as we take pause to celebrate 30 years of women empowerment, let us not only  look at ourselves. Let us remember the backs on which we were raised. The generations  that carried and still carry us and will do so for generations to come. Mama Charlotte Maxeke, founding member of the Bantu Women’s League, put it so well: “This work is not for yourself — kill that spirit of self, and do not live above your people but  live with them. If you can rise, bring someone with you.” 

Ladies and Gentlemen, I did not greet when I took to the stage, my mother would be  mortified. Ndi masiari, avhuxeni. My name is Luna Munei Nevhutalu (Mutavhatshindi,  Mhlave!), and I am honoured to have been given this opportunity to address you today. Thank you.

He would be the first to say that he led with a collective of the most insightful and talented who were motivated by nothing but a moral imperative which Pravin Gordhan would later call a “higher purpose”.

He was our leader then and remained so until his last days.

We were fortunate to receive a message from him on Sunday 8 September on the occasion of the 130th anniversary of the Natal Indian Congress (NIC). He wanted to be at the event. He was scheduled to be there and would have been there but for his illness.

I now know that he would have crafted that message while suffering much physical pain. But that would have been typical of the grit, work ethic and sense of duty that was Pravin Gordhan.

His message was crystal clear:

* It is time for a reset.

* We must rework a progressive political culture and assert the NIC’s values of ethical

leadership, non-racialism, selfless service and economic justice.

Pravin Gordhan has become the personification of selfless service, great courage and an unshakeable political integrity.

Not everyone liked him. But everyone respected him.

He did not suffer fools lightly and many of us would have felt the lash of his sharp tongue if we fell short of the standards expected.

He strived for excellence not just for the sake of excellence or to create an elite group, but rather to direct a critical mass of the best talents towards achieving a capable and effective state and thereby improve the lives of our people especially the poor.

He was a great believer in the effective use of the latest technology in advancing the state and society.

A single book will not be adequate to describe the life and work of Pravin Gordhan and his contribution to the public good.

This contribution traverses his days as a student, a young activist and then leader of the NIC, builder of civic movements, leading in the United Democratic Front (UDF), in the ANC underground and Operation Vula, in the Codesa negotiations and member of our first democratic parliament.

His contribution in the post 1994 democratic era too has been phenomenal. His role in building the South African Revenue Service (Sars) into a world class organisation is a testament to his leadership and organisational skill — an almost perfect illustration of finding the correct balance between theory and practice.

Provin Gordhan has set the benchmark for public service and good governance.

His last message to us was once again providing leadership and direction.

In his words, that all those who are progressive “must come together to build consensus around a common platform of progressive politics”.

Pravin Gordhan has left us a powerful legacy.

Let us not betray his courage and sacrifice.

Presented as a political panacea for South Africa’s challenges, the GNU creates what the media often refers to as “euphoria” in our need for a messiah or miracle to deliver us from the ills of the past, diverting our collective gaze from the sad reality of a government and a nation divided along historical racial lines. This “euphoria”, similar to the hypnotised state during the time of the “Rainbow Nation” in 1994, when the first social experiment of a GNU took place, threatens to disintegrate if we do not constructively and courageously acknowledge and address the divisive issues.

The concept of a government of national unity is tantalising in theory, and South Africans are desperate for a political solution that will bring healing after almost 400 years of division and suffering. The market’s reaction to the GNU is another clear indicator of our craving for any feel-good story, especially one that suggests we are finally getting along. 

I now feel like the Grim Reaper. I expect to be attacked by trolls accusing me of playing the race card again. Worse, I prefer to remain a victim, refusing to, as one politician recently said in response to questions about the national anthem, “put the past behind me”. My concern is that in our haste we are complicit in covering up deep-seated problems in a divided nation that, if left unaddressed, can impede real progress. 

Unity in South Africa, as elsewhere, means the harmonious co-operation and integration of the country’s diverse populations towards common goals and shared prosperity. It means fostering a sense of belonging and a common identity among people from different racial, cultural and socio-economic backgrounds. True unity goes beyond mere coexistence; it embodies a collective commitment to understand, respect and appreciate each other’s differences while working together to address common problems and aspirations.

I challenge anyone reading this definition who has even a rudimentary understanding of South Africa’s political history, which includes colonialism and apartheid, to assert with any degree of confidence that we have a government of national unity. Indeed, if we limit our understanding to the last years of apartheid, it is inconceivable to believe that there is now suddenly, after an election result, unity. In an unpublished book, I have written extensively about the extensive body of legislation that enforced apartheid. While this legislation operationalised the apartheid ideology, it also had an additional, possibly unintended function: it created enmity between groups. To quote Nelson Mandela: “It taught us to hate.” If this truth feels too harsh you must at least accept that apartheid’s legacy has created such vastly different life experiences between those deemed black, even non-human by apartheid’s logic, and those regarded as not black, that true unity remains a distant goal.

Therefore I argue that the decision to co-operate and form a GNU is a union of convenience and not of choice. The decision to unite was forced upon the ruling party, which was not only punished at the polls, but for the first time offered voters alternatives to the parties that had long dominated the political scene with a series of newly formed parties.The claim by any political leader that the election results represent a mandate from the South African people calling for a GNU, a coalition between the various parties, is disingenuous. Rather, the GNU represents a government of national convergence, as opposed to unity, and is a creative solution to an undesirable outcome, a way of manoeuvring the pawns on a chessboard to organise the arrangement with the long-term goal of gaining a strategic advantage.

One obvious reason we should care is that as enlightened people we need to learn from history to avoid obvious pitfalls. In post-apartheid South Africa, for example, a GNU was founded to reunite a nation divided by decades of racial segregation. While important milestones were achieved, the profound challenges associated with trying to unite a diverse population with very different interests and historical grievances also became apparent.

With little evidence that the context of the current GNU is significantly different from that of 1994 —. that the nation remains fundamentally divided — some believe that it is only a matter of time before the deep-rooted issues come to light. Indeed, there are already signs of power shifts as smaller political parties trade previously held principles for political power. This should worry us all. The shifting alliances are not based on the idea of stabilising the framework and strategic goal of forming a coalition that supports the idea of a government of national unity.

It is worrying that as long as the government overlooks the deep divisions between political parties and even within parties, it is complicit in presenting a false picture of reality to the nation. And because we are eager for a positive narrative, it is easy for us to buy into the notion that the GNU is meant to bring together the different political factions to govern together, ensure broad representation and promote unity. This hope makes us vulnerable to complicity. That is, until the cracks begin to show and the GNU, in which we have placed all our hopes for a better life for all, fails. 

Despite the articulated noble intentions of a GNU, South Africa remains deeply divided along racial, economic and political lines. The legacy of apartheid has left deep scars on the nation’s psyche and created lasting physical and psychological barriers. Economic inequalities continue to grow, with black South Africans disproportionately affected by poverty and unemployment.

The political dynamic has exacerbated this division. Until recently, when job security was not an issue, political parties have often exploited racial and economic tensions to their advantage, resulting in a fragmented political landscape that has hindered coherent governance. Given that political parties with historically opposing agendas that have catered to different racially based constituencies are now forced to work together, it must be difficult for the GNU to function effectively as underlying mistrust and competition overshadow collaborative efforts.

The current GNU faces major challenges. These include ideological differences and conflicting political priorities between the coalition partners.

Political conflicts: The ANC and the Democratic Alliance (DA), for example, have fundamentally different economic philosophies. The ANC tends towards state intervention and redistribution, while the DA favours market economy principles. This has already led to differences of opinion on important economic policy issues, including land reform and state-owned enterprises.

Internal party dynamics: Within the ANC there are factions that disagree on the political direction, which makes the governance of the GNU even more complex. 

The inclusion of smaller parties with their own agendas further complicates decision-making processes.

The GNU, like any other leadership, is responsible for setting the tone or culture. The power and influence of leadership should not be underestimated; it is the crucible that holds the key to success and, of course, failure. Because the GNU was a creative response to a political context that brought no one to power, the ongoing politics has created common spaces for almost everyone, including those with diametrically opposed ideologies. Everyone now has a seat at the proverbial table. But not everyone came out of the apartheid era with the same worldview, the same experiences, the same positioning and the same goals as those with whom they are supposedly united. How could they? And while the GNU spends time making agreements on inconvenient inclusions, the real work that the country needs must necessarily wait.

The concealment of the obvious disagreements by the leadership is not only a sign of delay but also of what is expected of the nation. As long as the GNU is presented as letting go of the past, as a positive and desirable goal, and as forward movement, this position powerfully silences any perceived dissent. It is a question of being for or against change. This catastrophic view leaves little to no room for restructuring and coming to terms with deeply embedded, internalised experiences.

This means that legitimate questions — for example about the symbolic representation of apartheid — which continues to trigger traumatic reactions in many people, cannot be put on the table. To be clear, I am not suggesting that these representations be removed. What I am saying is that once we portray progress in a certain way, we naturally exclude other voices, especially those for whom little has changed since the dark days of apartheid, and who are not being heard. This takes us away from the ideal that the GNU claims to represent, which is unity.

The GNU, with all its challenges, represents a unique opportunity for South Africa. This time the GNU is relatively free from the precarious position it was in towards the end of apartheid. As I was not privy to the negotiations at the time, I can only imagine that the focus was on agreeing outcomes that would secure the end of apartheid. I concede that this view is subjective and self-serving as it reflects my understanding as a person of colour as to why the issue of compensation on a large scale, including land ownership, was not conclusively resolved. But I digress.

This time the GNU can be bold and envision a different future for South Africa. Last time, the future as expressed in the Constitution was a reaction to apartheid. This time, for the progressives among the elites, it means that while apartheid is in the back of our minds, it does not determine our goals. Rather, the GNU has the opportunity to rally the nation behind a common goal, a goal that we can all agree on. If you ask me, I would say we should set ourselves the strategic goal of making South Africa a country where everyone feels safe and happy.

To overcome these challenges and mobilise the nation, the GNU must take deliberate steps to address the underlying issues of division. Here are the key strategies:

1. Recognising differences: Acknowledging and understanding the different perspectives in the country by creating platforms for inclusive dialogue and policy-making.
2. Promoting dialogue: Promoting open and honest dialogue on controversial issues by creating safe spaces and supporting community mediation programmes.
3. South Africa’s strategic reorientation: Reorienting the national focus on common goals such as security and happiness and implementing integrated programmes that address the interlinked underlying problems of inequality such as education, unemployment, poverty and psychological well-being.
4. Create an effective state: Improving public sector efficiency and accountability through comprehensive reforms and capacity building initiatives.

By confronting these uncomfortable truths, promoting genuine dialogue, rallying the nation behind truly desirable strategic goals and implementing policies aimed at healing, the GNU can become a real force for positive change. Dr Sorayah Nair is a clinical psychologist, founder of Business Health Solutions and an advocate for social justice and mental health. She specialises in leadership development and diversity, equity and inclusion strategies and her work contributes to the conversations about healing and change in post-apartheid South Africa.

Is the AU still Africa’s visionary body for unity and progress, or is it becoming bogged down by bureaucracy and inaction?

Founded with the goal of Pan-Africanism, promoting unity and development, the AU aimed to surpass the symbolic role of its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Its mandate: address pressing issues and lay the groundwork for long-term growth. 

As we celebrate its successes, we must ask: can the AU adapt to the 21st century, or will it follow the OAU into obsolescence?

Since its inception, the AU has promoted peace, stability and development. Its early interventions in military coups, such as in Mauritania, Togo, and Guinea-Bissau, earned it global recognition. The AU’s peacekeeping missions, including deployments to Burundi and Darfur, played key roles in stabilising violence without foreign intervention. But can the AU sustain this momentum amid rising instability?

The AU’s creation of the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) is pivotal in public health. During Covid-19, the Africa CDC coordinated responses, distributed vaccines and developed strategies that mitigated the pandemic’s effects, showcasing the AU’s ability to address crises beyond conflict.

In economic development, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) is perhaps the AU’s most visionary achievement. It aims to boost intra-African trade by reducing tariffs and creating a unified market. According to the World Bank, the AfCFTA could boost Africa’s income by $450 billion by 2035. Yet implementation lags, and Africa’s full potential remains untapped.

The AU, despite significant successes, faces major challenges. Member states are often reluctant to relinquish sovereign powers, hindering the AU’s ability to intervene in conflicts or coordinate development. Recent crises in Ethiopia, Sudan and Mali highlight the AU’s difficulty in exerting meaningful influence.

Many African nations, having gained independence, are wary of external control, even from a pan-African body. National interests frequently clash with the AU’s broader goals, making unified political will elusive. The result? Conflicts escalate, solutions are delayed, and millions suffer.

Financial constraints deepen these cracks. Less than 40% of the AU’s budget is funded by member states, with some consistently failing to pay their dues. This over-reliance on external donors such as the European Union and the United Nations compromises the AU’s autonomy. Its reliance on foreign funding has led to accusations of becoming a puppet of external forces. How can an organisation built on unity be truly free if foreign donors control its funding?

The AU’s workforce is also under-resourced. With only 1,720 employees, 60% of whom are on short-term contracts, the AU struggles to implement policies. By comparison, the EU employs 32,000 permanent staff to serve 27 countries. This disparity highlights the AU’s operational limitations, compounded by its financial shortfall. How can we expect the AU to lead Africa’s future if it’s crippled by under-resourcing?

Critics argue the AU has become too bureaucratic, lacking the agility to address fast-moving crises like Sudan’s ongoing conflict. 

The AU has been criticised for its inability to adequately address key issues such as youth unemployment, infrastructure development and climate change. With Africa home to the youngest population in the world, the AU faces mounting pressure to deliver tangible results. Can the AU meet the expectations of its people, or will it become another stagnant institution?

Without substantial reforms, the AU risks repeating the failures of the OAU. Africa cannot afford another 20 years of stagnation. The AU must act boldly and embrace reform. Its ability to function as a diplomatic and military bloc capable of stabilising conflict zones must be restored. A return to the proactive peacekeeping model of the early 2000s, backed by real political will from member states, would help the AU regain its credibility.

To achieve this, funding and a renewed commitment to collective security over national interests are essential. The AU must also be equipped to act swiftly in crisis situations, cutting through bureaucratic red tape.

The AfCFTA’s full realisation must be prioritised. Intra-African trade currently accounts for just 15% of total trade. By fostering greater economic integration, the AU can unlock Africa’s potential, create jobs and lift millions out of poverty. But this requires infrastructure, trust and political will across borders. The AU must drive, not follow, this process.

Member states must be willing to cede some sovereignty. The AU cannot operate as a true pan-African body if national interests consistently overshadow collective goals. Increased financial contributions from within Africa is vital to reducing dependency on foreign donors.

AU Day should celebrate the union’s achievements, but also serve as a rallying cry for action. The AU has laid the foundation for a more united and prosperous Africa, but the road ahead is long.

By embracing reform, financial independence and a renewed commitment to integration, the AU can become a force capable of navigating Africa through the 21st century. Otherwise, it risks becoming another relic of grand ideals.

Lindani Zungu is the founder Voices of Mzansi.

Described as a Las Vegas-type of establishment, the resort has it all. There are water parks, heated pools, restaurants, gaming centres, sports facilities and casinos for those who want to try their luck with “the house”. 

Media houses this week reported on financials under the Sun International umbrella and  reported considerable growth in the past month. The hospitality side of its business showed a 12.3% growth, Sun International reported. 

After struggling during the Covid-19 period the hotel chain looks to be back on its feet with international and local guests contributing to that success. “Sun City made R904 million in income for the reported period. The resort made approximately R150.67 million in a month,” The Citizen newspaper reported. 

Despite its change in fortune, Sun City remains pricey for the average South African. The hotels are extremely expensive and its premier hotel, The Palace, is priced beyond the absurd. Many people can afford it only by asking valued members to book on their behalf and check them in. 

For the time-share Vacation Club, resellers who sell their timeshare weeks or weekends are how people visit the establishment without paying levies and monthly prices. I was lucky enough to spend a weekend at the Vacation Club recently. 

The trip was fun with numerous activities to keep my toddler entertained. The blend of swimming pools, jungle gyms and halaal food made it a lovely weekend getaway. Spending the weekend in Sun City at the same time as  the Boks were taking on New Zealand and Liverpool was visiting Manchester United meant various sporting fans were all over the place amid drunken celebrations.

The resort has changed considerably from when I was a teen chasing girls in the entertainment centre and the Valley of the Waves. For one, there is no longer the spring break party it used to have, with the best DJs in the country performing. You could not find a better party in the 2000s than spring in Sun City.

The games are much improved and preteens flush with coins to play them. I remember playing Marvel vs DC, Street Fighter and Mortal Kombat until late into the night before indulging in Juicy Lucy’s cheezas, otherwise known as savoury waffles. There are more modern games to tackle now and Milky Lane’s savoury waffles do not compare, neither does the ice cream.

The casino has moved to the main hotel which makes the entertainment centre a much more pleasurable experience. There is an adults-only pool, more luxury services for premium guests, padel courts and a bounce park for the little ones. 

One can indulge in the various culinary options without the jarring sounds of casino games clinking fake money. Having gone at the start of spring I must confess the water was icy. The wave pool was akin to the waters of the Atlantic and I only lasted 10 minutes in the water with my two shivering nieces opting for the slides instead.

There’s a fairly new slide in the offing which adrenaline seekers will love. The slide places you in a capsule while an automated voice counts you down before the floor is ripped away from under you and you drop suspended for about one metre before hitting the slide and flying through it at a frantic pace. My organs have finally settled back into place. 

The Slide of Courage remains a fan-favourite with a steep drop and a tremendous wedgie when exiting the slide. I would highly recommend it if you need to feel alive.

The resort is often referred to as the jewel of South Africa and it’s easy to see why. It does have a somewhat chequered history, though. During the apartheid regime it was built in what was known then as Bophuthatswana (which as an 11-year-old was the first “difficult” word my father insisted I learn to spell). 

This meant that while South Africa, because of its apartheid policies, lost out on many international artists because of a UN cultural boycott, Sun City was absolved from this ban because it was not “formally” in South Africa. This led to a host of global artists performing there in the 80s. 

Stars like Dolly Parton, Queen, Elton John and Liza Minnelli played at Sun City in Bophuthatswana. They were reportedly paid handsomely by the apartheid government, in some cases, around $2 million, rumour has it. 

But it also sparked a wave of protests. In a research paper Jonathan Richard Freeman wrote: “In 1985, Artists United Against Apartheid was a protest group founded by two Americans, activist and performer Steven Van Zandt and record producer Arthur Baker, to protest against apartheid in South Africa. The group produced the song Sun City and the album Sun City that year.

“Taking up the plight of South Africa and protesting against apartheid and racism, this album features a massive assembly of soul, funk, hip-hop, jazz, reggae, and rock artists. Musically, Sun City is firmly rooted in funk with strong, heavily percussive beats and a combination of P-Funk and African rhythms, with some seventies fusion jazz thrown in.”

The song opened eyes to South Africans’ oppression and it became a song of resistance, which was naturally banned by the apartheid regime. 

The resort is still home to the iconic golf challenge which takes place every year and pulls in some major names in golf. 

If you can look past the fearless monkeys at the resort and bypass the exorbitant costs of the hotels by purchasing through resellers, Sun City remains a gem of a holiday, catering for all ages and types. And for those in Johannesburg seeking a short staycation less than two hours away, I would highly recommend it. 

Disclaimer: This is not a paid promotion, instead it is a review from a person who thoroughly enjoyed a recent visit to Sun City.

For many African countries, fossil fuels are a critical source of revenue and economic stability. Oil and gas exports contribute significantly to national budgets and economic growth. Nigeria, for example, derives a substantial portion of its government revenue from oil exports, which fund essential services and infrastructure projects. Abruptly abandoning fossil fuels could lead to economic instability, loss of revenue, and social unrest. The transition must be carefully managed to avoid adverse economic impacts and ensure that affected communities have alternative sources of income and livelihood. 

Fossil fuels still play a crucial role in providing energy access and reliability, particularly in regions where renewable infrastructure is underdeveloped. In many parts of Africa, especially rural and remote areas, access to reliable electricity is limited. Fossil fuel-based power plants have in some cases provided a stable energy supply while renewable energy infrastructure, such as solar or wind farms, have required substantial initial investment and development time. In countries like Mozambique and Uganda, where energy access is a significant challenge, fossil fuels have in the interim offered a more immediate solution to meet growing energy demands and support economic development. 

Transitioning to renewable energy involves significant costs and technological challenges. Developing and implementing renewable energy infrastructure requires substantial investment and technological expertise. For instance, while Kenya has made significant strides in expanding its geothermal energy capacity, other renewable technologies, such as large-scale solar or wind farms, face challenges related to financing, technology availability, and grid integration. The upfront costs and technological barriers may hinder some countries’ ability to transition rapidly to renewable energy without external support and investment. 

The primary argument for abandoning fossil fuels is the substantial environmental and health benefits of transitioning to renewable energy. Fossil fuel combustion is a major source of greenhouse gas emissions, contributing significantly to global warming and climate change. In Africa, the environmental impact is particularly acute, with many regions experiencing severe consequences such as desertification and more frequent extreme weather events. For example, the Sahel region has been increasingly affected by droughts and desertification, exacerbating food and water scarcity.

Moreover, burning fossil fuels leads to air pollution, which has detrimental effects on public health. In big cities like Lagos and Johannesburg, air quality issues are exacerbated by emissions from vehicles and industrial processes. Transitioning to renewable energy sources like solar and wind could significantly reduce air pollution and associated health problems, improving quality of life and reducing healthcare costs.

Investing in renewable energy can stimulate economic growth through job creation and technological innovation. Renewable energy projects often involve significant local employment opportunities in construction, maintenance, and operation. For instance, Morocco’s Noor Solar Complex has not only boosted the country’s renewable energy capacity but created thousands of jobs. Additionally, renewable energy technologies are becoming more cost-effective, which could provide a more stable and predictable energy cost compared to the volatile prices of fossil fuels.

Diversification away from fossil fuels also reduces dependence on external markets and volatile global commodity prices. Africa’s reliance on oil and gas exports has exposed its economies to fluctuations in global energy prices, which can have destabilising effects. By investing in renewables, African countries can achieve greater energy security and economic resilience. 

Abandoning fossil fuels and investing in renewable energy can significantly improve energy access for rural and underserved communities. In many African countries, rural areas face severe energy poverty, with limited access to reliable and affordable electricity. Renewable energy technologies, such as solar home systems and mini-grids, offer scalable solutions that can be deployed in remote areas where traditional energy infrastructure is lacking. By expanding access to clean energy, these solutions can enhance the quality of life, support small businesses, and provide opportunities for education and healthcare in communities that are otherwise disconnected from the energy grid.

The shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy can stimulate job creation and economic opportunities in emerging green industries. Renewable energy projects, such as solar farms, wind installations, and bioenergy facilities, generate employment opportunities in various sectors, including manufacturing, installation, maintenance, and administration. Additionally, developing a green economy can encourage entrepreneurship and innovation, leading to the growth of new businesses and industries. For example, the rise of the solar sector in countries like Kenya and South Africa has created numerous jobs and provided new income sources for local communities, contributing to broader economic development.

Transitioning to renewable energy can support sustainable agricultural practices and improve livelihoods by reducing environmental degradation and preserving natural resources. Fossil fuel-based energy systems can contribute to air and water pollution, which negatively impacts soil health and agricultural productivity. In contrast, renewable energy sources, such as solar and wind, have minimal environmental impact and can support the development of sustainable agricultural practices. For instance, solar-powered irrigation systems can enhance water availability for farming, boost crop yields, and improve food security in regions affected by climate change and water scarcity. This shift can lead to more resilient agricultural systems and improved livelihoods for farmers.

The debate over whether Africa should abandon oil, gas, and coal in favour of renewable energy is not black and white. Instead, it requires a nuanced approach that balances the benefits of renewable energy with the realities of economic dependence on fossil fuels and energy access challenges.

One potential solution is a gradual transition that incorporates both fossil fuels and renewable energy for those countries that have fossil fuels. For instance, South Africa’s Integrated Resource Plan outlines a balanced energy mix, incorporating both renewable energy sources and fossil fuels to ensure energy security and meet economic needs while transitioning to a more sustainable energy future. Countries with no fossil fuels should leapfrog into renewable energy.

Additionally, international cooperation and support can play a crucial role in facilitating the transition. Developed countries and international organisations can provide financial resources, technical assistance, and capacity-building support to help African nations overcome challenges associated with renewable energy development. For example, initiatives like the African Renewable Energy Initiative aim to accelerate the deployment of renewable energy across the continent with international support. 

The question of whether Africa should abandon oil, gas, and coal for a renewable future is complex and multifaceted. While there are compelling arguments for transitioning to renewable energy, including environmental benefits, economic diversification, and alignment with global climate goals, there are also significant issues related to economic dependence on fossil fuels, energy access, and transition costs. A balanced approach that considers both the immediate and long-term needs of African countries, supported by international cooperation and strategic investment, is essential for achieving a sustainable energy future. As Africa navigates this critical juncture, careful planning and collaboration will be key to ensuring that the transition to renewable energy is both equitable and effective.

Karabo Mokgonyana  is a renewable energy campaigner at Power Shift Africa focusing on renewable energy in Africa, just transitions and climate security.

This loophole in the international justice system leaves a gaping vulnerability in the fight against corruption. Enter the proposed International Anti-Corruption Court (IACC), a judicial body that could provide an invaluable solution to these challenges, particularly within the framework of a proposed UN Tax Convention. The IACC could emerge as a powerful force in combating corruption, illicit financial flows (IFFs), and tax evasion, issues that have stifled the economic potential of developing nations, particularly in Africa.

A new global tax body, proposed under the auspices of the United Nations, has the potential to reshape how tax norms are created and enforced on an international scale. Known as the UN Tax Convention, this initiative seeks to establish a multilateral, democratic fiscal body where every nation, irrespective of economic power, plays an active role in the decision-making process. This proposal is not merely about regulating taxation — it is about addressing the fundamental inequalities embedded in international financial systems.

The gap between rich and poor nations has widened, and one of the significant drivers of this disparity is the loopholes and grey areas in international tax laws. Multinational corporations (MNCs) and high-net-worth individuals (HNWI) routinely exploit these gaps, employing tactics such as transfer pricing, trade mis-invoicing, and shifting profits to low-tax offshore jurisdictions. These activities, which constitute illicit financial flows, rob nations — particularly developing ones — of the revenue needed for essential services like healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

The magnitude of illicit financial flows in Africa is staggering. Estimates suggest that African nations lose between $50 billion and $89 billion annually to IFFs. According to the African Union and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), this loss represents approximately 3.7% of the continent’s GDP. The implications are dire: countries struggling with poverty, underdevelopment, and poor infrastructure are being deprived of crucial resources through corruption and tax evasion by both domestic elites and foreign corporations.

Oxfam’s report, “Africa: Rising for the Few,” highlights the extent of this problem. In 2010 alone, Africa lost $11 billion due to tax avoidance strategies employed by multinational companies. This figure is six times the amount required to address the healthcare funding gap in Ebola-stricken countries like Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea, and Guinea-Bissau. It’s clear that the stakes are high, and the need for robust international mechanisms to combat these flows is urgent.

It’s not just foreign corporations that are to blame. High-profile cases involving African business magnates and political elites who evade taxes have become all too common. These individuals often engage in complex avoidance schemes or conceal their assets offshore, further exacerbating the continent’s economic challenges. Corruption and tax evasion are interlinked, feeding into a vicious cycle that hinders development, perpetuates inequality, and undermines governance.

One of the most effective tools in the fight against corruption is beneficial ownership transparency (BOT). BOT requires the public disclosure of the individuals who ultimately own or control a company, making it far more difficult for corrupt individuals to hide their assets. By pulling back the curtain on opaque corporate structures, BOT can help prevent illicit activities like money laundering and tax evasion.

The UN Tax Convention could serve as the foundation for these transparency efforts. By establishing automatic information exchange, public country-by-country reporting, and a global asset registry, the convention would significantly improve the ability of governments and international bodies to track wealth and ensure that corporations and individuals pay their fair share of taxes. Such measures would also lay the groundwork for a shift toward unitary taxation, where multinational companies are taxed based on the economic activity they generate in each country, rather than where they declare their profits.

Debt is another critical issue that ties into the larger conversation about corruption and international financial obligations. Many African nations are trapped in a cycle of borrowing and repayment, often under unfavourable conditions. Corruption plays a significant role in worsening these debt crises. Political elites embezzle borrowed funds, while non-transparent loan agreements create opportunities for personal gain at the expense of national development.

The taxpayer ultimately bears the burden of repaying these debts, highlighting the critical role that tax revenue plays in sustaining a nation’s financial obligations. If corruption and illicit financial flows are not addressed, the cycle of borrowing and debt will continue, locking nations into a perpetual state of dependency and underdevelopment.

This brings us to the International Anti-Corruption Court (IACC). The IACC could fill the gaps left by existing international legal frameworks, providing an independent body to prosecute corruption cases involving MNCs, HNWIs, and state actors. In doing so, it would hold these actors accountable for the economic harm they cause, particularly in developing countries.

By focusing on tax-related corruption and illicit financial flows, the IACC could support the goals of the proposed UN Tax Convention. The court could help enforce international norms around beneficial ownership transparency and public country-by-country reporting. Furthermore, the IACC could serve as a crucial deterrent to corrupt practices, ensuring that those who misuse public funds or evade taxes are brought to justice.

In many cases, corruption in Africa is not due to cultural or systemic differences but rather a byproduct of greed and the exploitation of weak governance structures. An international body like the IACC could help create a level playing field, ensuring that the same rules apply to everyone, whether they are a powerful multinational corporation or a high-net-worth individual with offshore accounts.

It is safe to say the interconnected problems of tax evasion, illicit financial flows, and corruption require a bold, coordinated international response. The proposed UN Tax Convention, combined with the establishment of an International Anti-Corruption Court, could represent a significant step forward in addressing these issues. By providing a global framework for fiscal justice and holding corrupt actors accountable, these initiatives could help nations, particularly in Africa, recover the billions lost annually to corruption and illicit financial flows. It’s time to recognise that tackling corruption on a global scale is not just a moral imperative — it’s an economic necessity.

Prosper S Maguchu is an assistant professor of law specialising in financial crimes and international asset recovery from a human rights based approach.

Dag Hammarskjöld, although not a widely recognised name today, was a significant figure in global diplomacy as the second secretary general of the United Nations. At just 47 years old, when he was appointed in 1953, he remains the youngest person to have ever held this prestigious position. The Swedish diplomat and economist met a tragic end in 1961, when his plane crashed in Ndola, Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), claiming his life and that of several other UN staff members. The crash occurred during his mission to mediate a ceasefire in the Congo Crisis. 

While initial reports attributed the tragedy to pilot error, new evidence suggests the plane was shot down in an assassination plot, possibly with the complicity of British colonial authorities who may have sought to protect their mining interests in the Congo.

During his tenure, Hammarskjöld was renowned for his unwavering moral principles and his commitment to strengthening the newly established United Nations, both internally and on the global stage. He played a pivotal role in the first UN peacekeeping missions in Egypt and the Congo, personally intervening to resolve significant diplomatic crises, including the Congo Crisis. After the liberation of Belgian Congo from colonial rule, tensions escalated as Congolese troops turned against the Belgian colonisers, leading to widespread violence and destruction of property.

In the mineral-rich Katanga province, Moise Tshombe, with the backing of Belgian mercenaries, declared independence from the newly formed Republic of the Congo (today the Democratic Republic of the Congo), igniting intense conflict among various factions. This turmoil culminated in a military coup in 1961, where Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Mobutu seized power from Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. Prior to the coup, the Congolese government had appealed to Hammarskjöld for intervention, seeking the deployment of peacekeeping forces to restore order. A critical peace negotiation was scheduled to take place in a neutral location, and Hammarskjöld selected Ndola as the meeting site. He, along with several UN staff members and security personnel, boarded the DC6 aircraft to attend this crucial meeting.

Göran Björkdahl, a Swedish aid worker, spent years investigating the mysterious circumstances surrounding Hammarskjöld’s death, uncovering evidence that contradicted the official narrative of pilot error. Björkdahl travelled to Ndola, where he interviewed several eyewitnesses who had been excluded from the original investigation. These witnesses provided compelling testimonies that pointed to foul play. Dickson Mbewe, an 84-year-old resident of Ndola, recounted: “Suddenly, we saw another aircraft approach the bigger aircraft at greater speed and release fire which appeared as a bright light” (Björkdahl, 2011).

These eyewitness accounts aligned with additional evidence uncovered by Björkdahl, including previously unpublished telegrams from the days leading up to Hammarskjöld’s death on 17 September 1961. These documents revealed the deep frustration of United States and British officials over a UN military operation, ordered by Hammarskjöld, aimed at quelling a rebellion in Congo’s Katanga region — a rebellion supported by Western mining companies and mercenaries. Hammarskjöld’s firm stance on decolonisation had increasingly alienated him from nearly all the major powers on the UN Security Council.

During my visit to the crash site, a local tour guide led my local partner and me around the memorial, recounting the story with great detail and vigour. He explained that Hammarskjöld’s plane had taken a long and winding route from Léopoldville (now Kinshasa), through Tanzania and then into Northern Rhodesia in an attempt to evade potential attackers. As the plane approached Ndola, it mysteriously went radio silent, and the reasons for this remain unclear.

According to the guide, witnesses claimed the plane made no less than three attempts to approach the runway. Some believe this was because the runway lights had been turned off, making it difficult for the pilot to see where to safely land. Others reported seeing a second plane approach the DC6, with some witnesses claiming they observed flashes resembling gunfire coming from this second aircraft.

Björkdahl noted that witnesses also described suspicious activities by Northern Rhodesian security forces on the morning of the crash. Several recalled that soldiers and police had already cordoned off the crash site hours before it was officially declared found. 

“There was a group of white soldiers carrying a body … I heard people saying there was a man who was found alive and should be taken to the hospital. Nobody was allowed to stay there,” said Mbewe, raising serious questions about the fate of Harold Julian, the sole survivor of the crash who later died in a poorly equipped local hospital. 

Dr Mark Lowenthal, who treated Julian, later expressed deep regret, stating, “I look upon the episode as having been one of my most egregious professional failures” (Björkdahl).

Despite the absence of a definitive conclusion regarding who was behind Hammarskjöld’s death, Björkdahl’s investigation suggests a motive. “It’s clear there were a lot of circumstances pointing to possible involvement by Western powers. The motive was there — the threat to the West’s interests in Congo’s huge mineral deposits,” Björkdahl remarked. Hammarskjöld’s unwavering commitment to the UN Charter and international law placed him at odds with the interests of powerful nations, making him a target during a time of intense geopolitical struggle.

But beyond being a compelling historical narrative, why is this story relevant to my current research into the effect of critical minerals mining on human rights? 

Hammarskjöld’s fatal dedication to supporting Congolese sovereignty in the face of resistance from those threatened by the loss of control over the region’s resources finds a troubling parallel in the present-day conflicts in the eastern DRC. These conflicts are similarly fuelled by the involvement of foreign actors with vested interests in the region’s wealth. Sixty-three years after Hammarskjöld’s death, Western nations and transnational corporations continue to be deeply implicated in the exploitation of the DRC’s mineral wealth, often at the severe expense of local populations.

These actors, through both direct and indirect means, perpetuate instability to maintain access to valuable resources such as cobalt, nickel and coltan — minerals critical to the “just” transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy. The rhetoric surrounding the energy transition often portrays it as an unproblematic solution to the climate crisis, conveniently overlooking the ongoing violence, displacement and poverty experienced by Congolese (and other African) citizens as their nations’ wealth is syphoned off for the benefit of the Global North. This historical context underscores the persistent crises that arise when foreign powers prioritise their economic gains over the sovereignty and well-being of African nations.

Charlize Tomaselli is a senior researcher at the Alternative Information and Development Centre in the Alternatives to Extractivism and Climate Change Programme.

Expected outcomes from the summit on 22 to 23 September include a Pact for the Future comprising a Global Digital Compact and a Declaration on Future Generations. This seminal event is a sign that the world’s leaders and UN member countries acknowledge responsibilities to address shared global issues and concerns, and recognise there is a need for expanded international cooperation on collective matters for the long-term. 

There are aligned efforts to organise and ensure the inclusion and participation of young people in policy dialogue forums contributing to setting the priorities and agenda for the summit and its associated commitments. 

In considering youth voices, a highlighted group is future generations. The case made is that future generations, including the unborn, must be considered given the long-term nature and reach of current global issues. Responsible leadership and governance, effective multilateralism and international institutions inclusive of diverse multi-stakeholders require an intergenerational lens that appreciates accountability to future generations. 

There is an imperative to ensure sustainable solutions in current efforts to reform and revitalise multilateralism and international institutions, and to ensure lasting relevance and resilience in the face of ongoing global shifts and systemic change.

It is projected that most future generations will emerge from the Global South and current emerging economies, based on data forecasts from contemporary demographics including large populations in China and India and large youth populations on the African continent. At the same time, data illustrates generally, youth populations in these regions in the Global South suffer disproportionate consequences as a result of unequal levels of development, limited access to opportunities such as relevant education, skills building and decent jobs among other obstacles. Data also shows that youth are underrepresented in decision-making, policy and strategy structures from local to national, regional and international levels.

The call is for reform initiatives and priorities to create contextually appropriate spaces and approaches for meaningful youth and children involvement and contributions. Implications of this range from the protection of fundamental human rights for all children and youth to suitable representation and appropriate inclusion of children and youth issues and diverse voices in policy and decision-making processes, and empowering the agency of youth and children as part of implementation actions.

But there are conceptual complexities in terms of how to, and who should represent the voice of future generations including the not yet born, and what requirements are for securing long term intergenerational accountability in terms of operational and functional institutional mechanisms. It is worthwhile here to consider the value of foresight and futures thinking and the role of anticipatory governance approaches. 

Foresight and futures thinking offer tools and methodologies to assist policymakers to consider future conditions and what required responses may be in terms of actions today and preparedness for future eventualities. Anticipatory governance is a systems-based approach for enabling governance in contexts of complexity and uncertainty. 

Foresight and anticipatory governance can help map out possible futures pathways, allow decision-makers to rigorously think through system-wide implications of decision and policymaking options, as well as facilitate strategic planning in terms of short-, medium- and long-term responses, including monitoring, review and adjustment to shifting conditions as needed. 

Futures thinking and anticipatory governance promote agile, adaptable, and flexible policy and strategy frameworks, processes and implementation mechanisms. This contributes to more robust and resilient long-term policy and strategy, responsive to dynamic shifts and changes in external environments, from political and economic uncertainty to social and environmental instability, as well as technological disruptions.

The assumption is that in considering what long-term future conditions may look like and the required system-wide adaptive responses, the interests of the unborn and future generations are taken into account and centred. Foresight and anticipatory governance approaches can also address issues of succession, which are important when discussing intergenerational responsibility and accountability. 

The imperative is to overcome a short-term orientation aligned with limited leadership terms or campaign periods, recognising there is a need for commitments on long-term issues. These commitments need to stand and remain prioritised across successive leadership terms, regimes and organisational institutional strategy and policy periods. 

It is also important to balance trade-offs and tensions between and across generations. There may be issues whose solutions are relevant for people now that may worsen conditions for future generations. Additionally, over the long term, large youth numbers today will add to large ageing populations in the future. As such, considering future generations and the intergenerational discourse is not only about youth and the unborn, but also about the longevity of a growing older population and preparing for senior citizens in the future.

The role of values is essential here and it is critical to ensure that requisite value systems are in place at leadership levels, and systemically embedded across systems, institutions and processes as an integral component. The main duty is to hand over the baton of responsibility and accountability from generation to generation with confidence that each has done the best possible to preserve collective heritage and a planetary inheritance that is secure, sustainable and prosperous.

While there is growing momentum to improve multilateralism, international cooperation and global governance, uncertainty remains as to whether commitments will be sufficient and substantive enough to ensure accruement of widespread and long-term collective benefits. The world is severely divided across many issues. 

Perhaps considering future generations can offer hope. In looking forward to future generations using foresight and anticipatory governance, there is yet an opportunity to reshape the present to ensure better futures for ourselves and those to come. 

Dr Njeri Mwagiru lectures at Stellenbosch Business School and is a senior researcher for the Futures Programme at the South African Institute of International Affairs.

Renewable energy has emerged as a promising solution to this pressing issue. By harnessing solar and wind resources, coupled with battery storage to account for intermittency, South Africa could secure a stable energy supply for its data centres. This approach not only addresses the immediate need for reliable power but also aligns with national and global efforts towards sustainability.

The global appetite for digital services is driving unprecedented demand for data centre capacity, with significant implications for energy consumption. As highlighted by the International Energy Agency in its 2024 Electricity Report, data centres, AI and cryptocurrencies accounted for 2% of global power generated in 2023. This figure is expected to more than double year-on-year until 2026, with some researchers considering even this estimate conservative.

To put this into perspective, a single query to ChatGPT uses about as much electricity as it takes to power a light bulb for 20 minutes — about 10 times the energy of a standard Google search. As AI becomes more sophisticated, its energy demands increase correspondingly. Recent sustainability reports show that Google’s power usage was up 48% in 2023 when compared to 2019 and Microsoft’s was up 29% from 2020. Each of these companies attribute the rise to the development of AI.

South Africa’s situation is particularly difficult. The country battles with an energy availability factor hovering about 70%, significantly better than Nigeria’s 35% but still far from ideal. This affects not only individuals and businesses but also hampers the country’s ability to attract and maintain data centres crucial for economic growth and technological advancement.

But this problem also presents a unique opportunity. Unlike traditional data centres that require proximity to urban centres for low-latency services, AI data centres have more flexibility in their location. They can be strategically positioned closer to renewable energy sources such as solar or wind farms, often in more remote areas. This proximity can significantly reduce the need for long-distance power transmission, which often results in energy losses and increased costs.

By adopting this approach, South Africa could not only address its data centre power needs but also contribute to broader energy access goals. For instance, excess capacity from these renewable-powered data centres could potentially be shared with local grids, benefiting people and businesses in nearby areas.

Recent developments in South Africa show promise in this direction. The publication of exclusion norms for solar PV and battery facilities from certain environmental authorisation requirements under the National Environmental Management Act is a step towards streamlining the development of renewable energy projects. Additionally, amendments to the Electricity Regulation Act have made it easier for some projects to avoid licensing requirements from the National Energy Regulator of South Africa.

But the country has also seen some setbacks. The 2023 tax break for solar panel installations, which contributed to a 349% surge in rooftop solar capacity from March to June 2023 was not renewed for the 2024-25 financial year. Moreover, a recent 10% tariff on imported solar panels, while aimed at boosting local manufacturing, may inadvertently discourage investment in solar infrastructure due to increased costs and limited local supply.

Looking at examples from other African countries could provide valuable insights. For instance, in 2013 Burkina Faso exempted solar energy equipment from import duties and VAT for five years, which saw a surge in demand, while Cameroon offers a full VAT exemption for equipment used in solar PV panels until 2025. Nigeria provides income tax holidays to manufacturers involved in renewable energy production.

Novel solutions such as floating solar installations, which have shown promise in countries like Ghana, Rwanda and Ethiopia, could also be explored in South Africa. These installations can generate significant portions of national energy demand while using existing water bodies. These installations could be implemented in reservoirs and dams thereby preserving the natural environment.

As South Africa aims to position itself at the forefront of the AI revolution and reap the benefits of this expanding industry, it must take decisive steps to provide incentives for the development of data centres powered by renewable energy. This approach not only addresses the immediate power needs of data centres but also contributes to the country’s broader goals of energy security and sustainability.

By leveraging its renewable resources and implementing supportive policies, South Africa can transform its current energy problems into opportunities. This would not only ensure reliable power for data centres but also position the country as an attractive destination for sustainable tech infrastructure, driving economic growth and innovation in the process.

Mandy Hattingh is a senior associate in NSDV’s mining and environmental law department. She focuses on energy regulation, environmental and natural resources law.